‘The Triple Stream’

BY K. RAMAKOTISWARA RAU

SOCIALISTS AND THE CONGRESS

With the achievement of Independence, a fresh alignment of Indian political parties becomes inevitable. The Congress can no longer function as a multi-party organisation, with mutually antagonistic elements pulling in different directions. The Socialists, however, stand on a different footing from the Mahasabhites or the Communists. Theirs is not a communal party like the former; and, unlike the latter, they do not owe spiritual allegiance to a foreign power. In their belief in parliamentary democracy and evolutionary Socialism, they have much in common with a large body of Congressmen. Their non-violence might not rise to the level of a creed, but in actual practice they are wedded to non-violence for the attainment of their political and social ideals. A Socialist democracy is the common objective of Socialists and of most Congressmen. The difference between them, in ultimate analysis, is one of emphasis and of the pace of progress. Whether this is so pronounced as to necessitate a break with the parent organisation, is a matter which is still open to doubt. The recent utterances of Sri Jai Prakash Narain and his Socialist colleagues indicate a wholly unfair suspicion of the Nehru-Patel Cabinet–both in its composition and its policies. One wonders if temperamental differences between Sardar Patel and the Socialist Chiefs are at the bottom of the present trouble.

To speak of Nehru as a virtual prisoner in his own Cabinet, to magnify the different mental attitudes of Patel and Nehru into vital antagonisms, and to seek to make political capital out of a supposed failure of the Home Minister to safeguard Gandhiji’s life, is unworthy of an idealist like Jai Prakash. Even as political strategy, it is pitiful. Nehru has been moved ! thereby to a vehement condemnation of Socialist propaganda, and to an equally vehement defence of his fellow Ministers. The effort to detach Nehru from the Rightist Congress Chiefs has failed miserably. Nor have the Socialists strengthened their position in the country. The impression is gaining ground that, like the old-time Liberals, the Socialists are leaders without a following. They may whip up public feeling for a brief period by talking at random about the corruption, the inefficiency, and the unprogressive nature of Congress Ministries. They may rally some discontented elements round their banner, but how can they sweep the polls in the first general election under the new Constitution and step into the seats of power, without a programme which is recognisably different from that of the Congress from which they are breaking away?

It is undeniable that the Socialists are, in the main, more progressive in outlook than the office-seeking, elections-ridden section of Congressmen. But they have no constructive activity to their credit. Even as an organised group within the Congress, they have earned a reputation for wobbling on important occasions. They let down Subhas Bose at Tripuri, and made it impossible for him to consolidate the Leftist forces. In dealing with the Communists within their own ranks, they wobbled once again. They permitted their party organisation, notably in Andhra, to be overrun by the Communists sailing under the Socialist flag, and then virtually handed the organisation over to them by dissolving the Socialist party in those Provinces. People who are tired of the methods and manners of selfish office-seekers, black-marketeers and ‘permit’ hunters among Congressmen in certain Provinces have a soft corner for the Socialists. In some quarters, they are tolerated as a lesser evil than the violent and fanatical Communists. The Socialists can ‘cash in’ these doubtful assets and win a few seats in the Legislatures. But with the exception of just two or three at the top, their leadership is below par. Neither leaders nor men have well-defined objectives, pursued by well-understood means.

The decision to quit the Congress is a correct one, in the limited sense that it is always more proper to stay out and co-operate when you can, rather than to stay within and stir up perpetual quarrels between groups of men with frayed nerves and with rival ambitions–ambitions which do not necessarily correspond to rival ideologies.

MERGERS AND UNIONS

Praise is justly due to Sardar Patel and the senior officers of the States Ministry for the rapidity with which they are reducing a fabulous number of petty States into ‘viable’ units of administration. With British Paramountcy out of the picture, the democratic forces in the States are having unfettered expression, and even the rulers are finding that it is to their advantage to strip themselves of the trappings of power, and function as progressive leaders of a free people. It has been computed that, by the end of June next, that is, in less than twelve months from the dawn of Independence, the States will have either merged in the neighbouring Provinces, or grouped themselves into Unions based on geographical contiguity and common cultural and historical tradition. About a dozen large States will be left over as autonomous entities. These will be administered by Ministers responsible to the people, though owing nominal allegiance to constitutional rulers acceding to the Indian Union.

Sourashtra and Malwa, Vindhya and Himachal are names dear to students of Indian history. This revival of the ancient landmarks in a modern setting of constitutional government, must fill the people with hope that the India of their dreams will maintain unity in diversity, and fulfill her destiny as a great cultural State in which the things of the mind and the spirit will receive their due recognition. Sourashtra is reminiscent of Dwaraka and the free union of republican peoples–the Vrishnis, the Bhojas and the Andhakas. Malwa reminds us of Ujjain and the literary glories of the age of Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti. Himachal was the region round about which the Kshatriya clans of the Sakyas and the Vajjians dwelt and gave to the world the Lord Buddha. The re-integration of India on the basis of language and culture must ultimately lead to the great synthesis that is Indian Civilisation. Sardar Patel has made history by bringing vast tracts of territory and great masses of men within the administrative ambit of the Indian Union. The confusion of jurisdictions and the unprogressive rule of petty feudal chieftains, which marked Sourashtra and other regions, is now no more. It is well that the Sardar began in his homeland, and then went forth conquering fresh domains in a spirit of friendliness and goodwill. It is Dalhousie’s task over again, but with what a difference!

HYDERABAD

Even Hyderabad cannot continue for long to be an exception to the reign of law, as opposed to the autocracy of a hereditary sovereign supported by a militant minority and its fire-eating leaders. The Nizam must soon bow to the storm and establish Responsible Government. Meanwhile, the sins of the Majlis and its organised gangsters are mounting up. Day after day, the papers are full of reports of murder, looting and arson; and border incidents are forming the subject of heated controversy between the Nizam’s Government and the Indian Union. Even so sober an administrator as the Finance Minister in the Union Cabinet hints at a possible limit to the patience of the Government of India. The Standstill Agreement is now perceived to be a ruse for gaining time in which the Nizam could build up the military strength of the State, and stage a last-ditch fight for ‘Independence’ and for utter freedom for himself and his reactionary allies to oppress the vast majority of the citizens. Peace is possible only on the basis of full Responsible Government. And Responsible Government cannot be established without the power of the Majlis being broken. Everything therefore turns on the answer to the question, “Will the Nizam give up Razvi?” Time passes and a straight answer must be forthcoming within the next few weeks.

The Nehru Government can have no rest till the Hyderabad question is settled, even as the Kashmir question seems likely to be settled, by the free vote of the people of the State. The Nizam may yet be the first of India’s noblemen, and a leading patron of literature and the arts, if only he will shed his inordinate love of power, and his weakness for medieval methods of administration.

WHY I WRITE FOR ‘REPUBLIC’ ¹

A strange poser! I might as well ask myself why I write for Triveni. Republic is in the process of being born, and Sri Kalidas, much my junior in the profession, must be worrying about articles, illustrations, and the unending proofs. It gives one an odd feeling to contribute to a journal without having seen even the first number. But then, if everyone excused himself, what should happen to the poor Editor? Didn’t I write for Triveni without seeing the first copy, and didn’t I run about for contributions to Sir M. Ramachandra Rao at Ellore, K. Iswara Dutt at Bezwada–he was then literally a ‘quill-driver’ in the Andhra University Office–and Sri C. Jinarajadasa at Adyar? How good they were all to me, and ushered’ Triveni! If she were a real child instead of a ‘dream-child’, she would now be nineteen, and I have no doubt she would be finishing her B.A. at the Maharani’s College, Bangalore, with my friend Dr. Nikam to teach her Plato. I can visualise her dressed in cream-coloured Kankanhalli silks, playing on the Veena, and making most eloquent speeches in English, Telugu and Kannada. As I watch bright college girls fragrant with jasmine and rose getting into college buses, I scan their features and wonder, “who among these is Triveni?”

Now, I want Kalidas–I shall drop the ‘Sri’–to become Republic-mad in the way that I am Triveni-mad, and to care for her above aught else in the world. He studied for Law, but turned to journalism as a means of self-expression. Even as a student at Vizianagaram he was a pressman, and actually reported my presidential address at a Students’ Conference. He was then apprenticing with Sri Venkanna Garu, a trained publicist and friend of the great Chintamani. Kalidas, like Chintamani, comes fro Vizianagaram. This augurs well. He married a grand-daughter of the eminent legislator and statesman, Sir B. N. Sarma. But, alas! the gods were jealous, and snatched her away after a few brief years. Kalidas’s one great absorption is his love for the little son she left behind. I think of all this and of the unbounded affection Kalidas has always showered on me. How can I repay him except by helping to usher in his Republic? He ought to make it a great journal. It ought to rank with M. Chalapathi Rau’s National Herald (Lucknow) and Khasa Subba Rau’s Swatantra, and, may I add–by way of an ‘aside’–it ought to be infinitely more lucky than Triveni.

¹ Contributed to the Inaugural Number of Republic, the new Madras Weekly.

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