‘Triveni’
is devoted to Art, Literature, and History. Its main function is to interpret
the Indian Renaissance in its manifold aspects.
‘Triveni’
seeks to draw together cultured men and women in all lands and establish a
fellowship of the spirit. All movements that make for Idealism in India as well
as elsewhere, receive particular attention in these columns. We count upon the
willing and joyous co-operation of all lovers of the Beautiful and the True.
May
this votive offering prove acceptable to Him who is the source of the
‘Triveni’–the Triple Stream of Love, Wisdom and Power!
…………he
that laboureth right for love of Me
shall
finally attain! But, if in this
Thy
faint heart fails, bring Me thy failure!
–THE
SONG CELESTIAL
By K. RAMAKOTISWARA RAU*
When Triveni was
started in 1928 one of the objects kept in view was the study and presentation
in English of the literary movements in the different linguistic areas of
India. What little success Triveni has achieved in this direction is due to the
friendly co-operation of scholars who have contributed full-length articles on
their respective literatures, together with faithful renderings of poems, plays
and stories. Triveni has thus promoted inter-provincial understanding in
the cultural sphere, in addition to making Indian literature accessible to
non-Indian readers.
With the inauguration
of the P. E. N. India Center in 1933, this part of our work received a welcome
accession of strength. The monthly P. E. N. Bulletin gives accurate information
about the literary activities in each language area as also reviews of
important publications. But being a bulletin, its scope is restricted. Srimathi
Sophia Wadia, the talented founder and secretary of the P. E. N. Centre in
India, conceived the brilliant idea of publishing a series of handbooks on the
different literatures, with anthologies of English renderings. Telugu
Literature by Dr. P. T. Raju, reviewed in the present number of Triveni,
is the latest in the series. The admirable work so far done by the P. E. N.
sustains me in my faith that the literatures of modern India will soon rank
with the advanced literatures of other lands.
While translations from one Indian language into
another will promote the growth of the provincial literatures, it is essential
that the best in each language should be rendered into English, so that Indian
literature may enter the stream of world-literature. The anthologies which form
a valuable feature of the P. E. N. Books must be the prelude to a much wider
effort render into English and a few other foreign languages selected poems,
classical and modern, novels, plays, stories, folk-songs, and literary essays,
representative of each provincial language. As a beginning; a small committee
for every language might suggest the names of authors and books worthy of being
presented to a larger audience. And the renderings must be not only faithful to
the original but also be good literature in the new garb. Indians with flair
for writing in English might with advantage turn their talents to this
supremely worthwhile task.
The Indian Theatre has been all but submerged by
the Cinema. Within recent years, however, lovers of the stage have been making
truly heroic efforts to revive interest in the stage-play by producing new
types of drama in a new atmosphere. The open-air theatre, and the
three-dimensional stage “set” are parts of the new technique. A study of the
Russian and other modern Theatres have quickened the impulse to
play-production. But this activity is confined to groups of amateurs in the
cities and large towns who cater to the select few. The movement has not yet
shaped the lives of men and women in the mass, nor made them participators,
instead of passive spectators, in a great art-revival.
Prof. Baldoon Dhingra* seeks to interest the public in a scheme for a National Theatre, to be
established in one of the great Indian Cities with the help of endowments from
art-minded philanthropists. He wants the theatres to be more colourful, purposive,
and dynamic, bringing poetry and “emotional nourishment” to a famished world.
With a great, non-commercial theatre, the great playwright will come into his
own. The professor hopes that the new National Theatre, producing plays in
English and in all the principal Indian languages will extend its influence,
and even the villagers will benefit eventually from the new movement. All this
is convincing but the technician and the ‘director’ of a National Theatre are
apt to overshadow the actor and playwright. Really, the movement ought to start
at the other end, with groups of talented actors moving about the countryside,
staging a few good plays with the minimum of stage ‘properties’, and training
the villagers to produce good plays for themselves. Self-expression through art
must become a normal human activity, and the village, theatre must draw unto
itself the available local talent–of the painter, the musician, the poet, and
the dancer.
In South India, Sri T. Raghava, the famous actor,
has given years of patient study to this problem of a National Theatre, but the
public have not responded to his exhortations. The general cloud of apathy must
be lifted somehow, and Prof. Dhingra points to one of the possible ways of
doing it.
For weeks before Lord Wavell flew to London, the
air was thick with rumours of an impending change in the Indian political
situation. The War in Europe was drawing to a close; Germany was on its last
legs; the Allied Nations had planned to meet at San Francisco to prepare the
blue-print of a brave new world. The War in the Far East must be waged with
intense vigour, and India must be the base of operations. What, then, was more
natural than that the British and Indian Governments should seek to end the Indian
deadlock? Lord Wavell was wanted in London for consultations, and he might fly
any moment. And now Lord Wavell is actually in London, closeted with Mr. Amery
and talking things over with him and with the triumphant Mr. Churchill. What
will come of it all, no one can say. But that we are on the threshold of great
changes is certain.
From the Indian side, expectations have been raised
by the resumption of office by Dr. Khan Sahebh in the N. W. F. Province. It has
been too facilely presumed that this is the beginning of a new orientation in
Congress policy. It is clean forgotten that the N. W. F. Province has been
dealt with as a special case, and that the formation of a Congress Ministry in
that quarter is not a prelude to the return of the Congress to power in the
“Section 93 Provinces”. From hope springs expectation; from expectation comes
anxiety; and anxiety leads to haste. Frantic appeals are already being
addressed to Congressmen to seize Time by the forelock and rush back to there
cushioned seats in the Legislatures.
It is elementary knowledge that a major change in
Congress policy must be sanctioned by the Working Committee. It is bad tactics
and worse morals to offer to run the Provincial Governments, without obtaining
the release of the imprisoned leaders. In Adviser-ridden Provinces, it is the
business of the Governors to send for the leaders of the Congress Legislature
Parties and promise to withdraw Sec. 93 if the Congress is willing to resume
office. Even then, no provincial leader can accept office, except as part of an
All-India policy, decided upon by the Central Parliamentary Board. It is also
obvious that the formation of Provincial Ministries must follow and not precede
the installation in power of a National Government at the Centre. Every step in
this tangled maze is inextricably linked with the others and politicians have
to walk warily lest they betray the nation’s interests.
In this connection, two important factors have to
be taken into account,–the Desai-liaquat formula, and the Sapru cable to Lord
Wavell. The astute secretary of the Muslim League has denied that any
understanding was reached with the leader of the Congress party in the Central
Assembly. Whether the denial is a diplomatic move intended to assuage the anger
of the League dictator, Mr. Jinnah, or an indication of regret that too much
had been conceded on behalf of the League, it is difficult to say before more
light is thrown on this mysterious chapter of Congress --League negotiations.
But the persistency with which the details of the settlement–including the
forty-forty proportion in the Cabinet–are being talked about and discussed
leaves little room for doubt regarding the fact of a settlement or its general
tendency. Mr. Desai’s frequent visits to Sewagram and his prolonged
conversations with Gandhiji lend colour to the view that Gandhiji himself is
not so hostile to an understanding on that basis. The Hindu Mahasabha and other
bodies have objected to the majority community being reduced to a position of
equality with a minority community; they threaten to resist any settlemen1
arrived at behind their backs. It is possible that Lord Wavell armed himself
with some kind of document from Mr. Desai, to serve as the starting point for
further negotiations.
The Sapru recommendations respecting an interim
Government do not make any reference to the forty-forty formula. They envisage
an immediate transfer of power to an all-party Government, the personnel of
which should be drawn from the Central Legislature. Mr. Jinnah is very wroth
that the Pakistan issue is being torpedoed by the Sapru Committee. He is loudly
protesting against any possible settlement of the deadlock which
(1) does not wait upon his consent, and
(2) does not divide India, even prior to the grant
of freedom.
Events are in a flux; it is difficult to anticipate. But it is clear
that the Governments at Whitehall and Delhi are weary of this prolonged
deadlock, and would be glad to install popular Governments at the Centre and in
the Provinces. They are not, however, sure that such Governments when formed
will intensify the war-effort against Japan. And, possibly, they are unwilling
to wound Mr. Jinnah by finally declining to carve out the Pakistan of his
dreams while at the same time they are positive that the division of India will
weaken her military power. Some decision has to be taken, and that quickly.
For, it will not do to let America and other Allied Nations point the finger of
scorn at proud and victorious Britain and charge her with betraying the cause
of democracy and freedom by keeping India In subjection.
As regards the Congress, the Resolution of August
8, 1942 is explicit on the question of India’s active participation in the War,
the moment the all-important condition–a national Government with power to
shape India’s destinies is fulfilled. So it ultimately boils down to this:
1
Is Britain prepared
to part with power, not at the end of the war with Japan, but here and now?
2
Is she prepared to
conciliate India and let her take her rightful place beside the free nations of
the World?
3
Can she contemplate
with equanimity the loss of her own privileged position, while India assumes
leadership of the East to which she is entitled by her geographical position
and her cultural eminence?
The Congress is always keen on peace, and will go a long way to attain it. Only, the conditions must be such as to enable her to serve the cause of India, unfettered by foreign dictation in the economic of the political sphere. And Gandhiji and the Congress can be trusted to play their part wisely and well. But, meanwhile, the Executive Councilors at Delhi are carrying on, in spite of many defeats on the floor of the Legislative Assembly and the total rejection of the Finance Bill. At London and San Francisco, the nominees of an alien Government will “represent” India and exercise their votes at the dictation of Britain, while technically, and for purposes of voting, India is on a level with the self-governing Dominions. This anomaly must end, and it can end only when the deadlock in India is ended and India functions as a free Nation.
For a moment, I must turn from this realm of
literature, art, and high politics to pay my tribute of affection to my humble
friend, Sri V. Rajagopala Aiyar, who loved Triveni and worked for it in a
devout spirit. He was for some years Manager of the Triveni office at
Madras, and after the journal was shifted to Bangalore, he rendered service as
its representative in Madras. He shared my poverty, and gladly went round that
city of long distances distributing copies of the journal, collecting
subscriptions, and worrying about the many little details of work in an
unprosperous business. Early in life, he served in Mesopotamia as a clerk and
on his return home after the War, he was employed in a good concern. But his
hearing became detective, and he drifted from one office to another till his
fate was linked with mine.
He was a simple, devout soul who believed that work
for Triveni was somehow sacred: he always mingled Triveni in his
prayers. During my two terms of imprisonment his sole thought was about me.
When he found Sampathgiri Rao doing my work in my absence with such efficiency
and zeal, he felt grateful to the Associate Editor. His health failed rapidly
during 1944. Though not quite fifty, he was aware that the end was near. His
last letter was written on the 21st of January. He expressed a keen desire to
see me once, before leaving for his village home in Tiruvadamarudur; he wished
to pass his remaining days at that sacred shrine. But even before my reply
could reach him, he passed away suddenly on the morning of the 27th, in his
modest lodgings in Puraswalkum, Madras.
The Tamils have always befriended me. I can never
forget the personal affection of cultured friends like K. S. Venkataramani and
K. Chandrasekharan. But poor Rajagopalan was a much humbler individual, and his
affection for me was, in some ways, unique. His death has affected me like a
domestic calamity. Men of Rajagopalan’s type must be dear to the Lord. May He
grant peace to that earnest soul!
* April 5
* A national Theater
for India–(Padma Publications, Bombay. Rs. 2– 0–0.)