‘TRIVENI’ HAS SHED LIGHT ON MY PATH.

                                BLESSED BE HER NAME!

 

‘THE TRIPLE STREAM’ 1

 

By K. RAMAKOTISWARA RAU

 

Re-thinking

 

The discussions following upon the publication of the Official Language Commission’s report, and the presentation to Parliament of the Parliamentary Committee’s views on that report, make it imperative that some amount of re-thinking should be done by those amongst us who wish to preserve a proper balance between the claims of reason and of emotion. A decade has passed since the framers of our Constitution declared that within fifteen years Hindi should replace English as the Official Language of the Union for Central and inter-Statal purposes. That decision was epoch-making and registered the will of a nation emerging into freedom and over-anxious to wipe out whatever was likely to remind it of the ugly days of subjection to foreign rule. The advocates of English could make no headway against the prevailing sentiment, and a battle-royal had to be waged even for the preservation of international numerals!

 

The protagonists of Hindi were not content with the success they had achieved. Led by scholars of distinction like Sri Purushottamdas Tandon and Seth Govind Das, they launched an India-wide campaign for the speedy elimination of English from all spheres of public activity. They looked upon those who pleaded for the retention of English for a longer period or for the acceptance of a bilingual formula–English and Hindi–as the lingering remnants of a by-gone age, and, worse, as the unconscious agents of our erstwhile masters. They talked, in and out of season, of the final banishment of English and the enthronement of Hindi in our courts and legislatures, schools and colleges, offices and business houses. They rendered lip-service to the other regional languages. But, while they were keen on the immediate and compulsory teaching of Hindi in non-Hindi regions, they made not the slightest effort to induce their Hindi brethren to learn any one of the other Indian languages. These stalwarts were in a majority on the Official Language Commission, and overcame the objections urged by leaders of thought representing the non-Hindi areas. A recommendation that an Indian language other than Hindi should be taught in schools in the Hindi-speaking States was not favoured by the majority, though it must be said to the credit of the Parliamentary Committee that they favoured this eminently reasonable suggestion in the interests of the emotional integration of the people all over India.

 

By slow degrees the intellectuals in the East and South of India found their voices. A leader of the stature of Sri Rajaji who was formerly at the head of the Hindi Prachar movement in Madras, and who, as Chief Minister of Madras in 1937, had urged the compulsory teaching of Hindi in South Indian schools, was irritated by the un-seemly onrush of the Hindi enthusiasts. He did some quiet re-thinking and was convinced that the retention of English as the official language of the Union for an indefinite period, and its replacement by Hindi only with the willing consent of the people of the non-Hindi regions at some future date of their choice, offered a proper solution of the problem. Hindi could be the language of administration in due course in the States of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, even as Telugu, Tamil, Bengali or Marathi could be adopted as the official languages in the other States whenever the respective Legislatures’ so decided. Sri Rajaji was also in favour of the gradual spread of a knowledge of Hindi all over India, and the employment as soon as possible of Hindi and other regional languages as media of instruction at the University level.

 

Sri Rajaji and others who saw the force of his contention banded themselves and set up organisations to focus public opinion on this vital issue. They made out an excellent case for the maintenance of the status quo and for a fresh examination of the issues involved, in an atmosphere of calm, unswayed by emotion. They were not suggesting that English should be the sole official language for all time; that was a matter for a future generation to decide in the light of circumstances then prevailing. But at the moment it was not wise to throw away the advantages we had reaped through an effective medium of national and international significance which had served us so well. To treat it as ‘foreign’ would be utterly at variance with the experience gathered and expressed through our cultural and political life for over a century.

 

But there are publicists, like my esteemed friend Sri P. Kodanda Rao, who have set up contrary currents of feeling by evolving a new slogan: “English ever; Hindi never.” They seem to think that at no foreseeable future could any Indian language–much less a comparatively undeveloped one like Hindi–aspire to be an official language of the Indian Union. By this intransigent attitude, they have weakened an otherwise good cause. Between them and the Tandons and Govind Dases, there can be no peace or understanding. It is to the Subbaroyans and Suniti Kumar Chatterjees that we have to look for proper guidance.

 

The regional languages at the State level, and English and Hindi at the all-India level, may have to be accepted as a working formula for some decades, even after 1965. If, as seems likely, the regional languages are accepted as the media of instruction in our Universities, English must be taught all over India, right from the commencement of the secondary course. And it should be taught well, so that our students, while attending lectures in Bengali or Kannada, will be able to read the latest books in English and keep abreast of recent developments in literature, science or technology. Eventually all our students must become familiar with the best in their own language, in English, and in another Indian language.

 

Both the Official Language Commission and the Parliamentary Committee treat the time-limit of 1965 as sacrosanct, and wish to make some transitional provisions to satisfy the people of the non-Hindi areas. They argue that, because the States will soon switch over to the regional languages for administration, the all-India official language cannot be English but only Hindi. This does not necessarily follow. It would be a great advantage, from every point of view to accept both English and Hindi as the principal official languages of the Union and allow the generation now at school to shape the future in accordance with its wishes. Even then, the complete elimination of English as an official language can be achieved only as the result of a decision by the non-Hindi States. An agreement to this effect will ease the present tension and restore harmony between the Hindi and non-Hindi regions.

 

India and China

 

Two great countries of Asia, linked by age-long cultural ties, and anxious to preserve the most friendly relations, are today ranged on opposite sides as a result of recent happenings in Tibet. India does not wish to engage in a cold war, nor to stray from the path of non-alignment with any power bloc. Her desire to maintain the basic principles of Panch-sheela and to urge the claims of Republican China to admission to the United Nations is as keen as ever. But she cannot look on idly while a neighbouring State like Tibet, peaceful and cultured, is being treated with ruthless severity by a power which seeks to alter her suzerainty into sovereignty. In wishing to convert Tibet into an outhouse of Communist China by bringing about revolutionary changes for which the Tibetans are not prepared, China is adopting the usual procedure of all Russian satellites. In the name of progress, huge masses of humanity are uprooted, ancient institutions beloved of the people are wiped out, and a persistent drive is made to establish a new order from which all trace of individual initiative and liberty is eliminated. Every uprising of a discontented people, whether in Hungary or Tibet, is explained away as the selfish manoevre of reactionary elements. Any criticism from anywhere is resented as an interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. Parties like the Communist Party of India are ever ready to advance a convenient ‘Thesis’ upholding the right of China or Russia to suppress all national movement

 

In this welter of conflicting views and the clash of ideologies, a statesman like Nehru may be trusted to act with calm dignity and the restraint that is born of true culture. The charges hurled by China against “Indian expansionists” and the stories of Tibetan revolutionary activity at Kalimpong and then at Mussoorie are not authentic. They are the common and familiar features of Leftist propaganda. Nehru is distressed to find that his motives are suspected and even his good faith denied. The Dalai Lama and thousands of his people have sought asylum in India, and, as Nehru has made it clear, India cannot refuse to grant it.

 

To Indians, Tibet has all along been a holy land, the home of religion and philosophy, and the abode of sages. In the pursuit of the arts of peace, and in the quest of the things of the spirit, the Tibetan people under the leadership of the Lamas have won a unique position in the affections of devout men of all lands, East or West. In Tibetan monasteries, amidst the vast solitudes of the Himalayas, ancient manuscripts have been preserved with care, so as to serve as a fount of inspiration to seekers of Truth. The Dalai Lama is the symbol of all that is sacred, to millions of Buddhists and non-Buddhists who look up to him as a living Buddha, the inheritor of a great tradition. He could not submit to the dictation of the Communist regime in China. For a little while he was swayed between his love of the ancient faith and the ancient institutions, on the one hand, and, on the other, his desire to preserve peaceful conditions and remain with his beloved people. The letters written by him to the Chinese military authorities reflect this mental conflict, but finally he decided to undergo the travail of a long and toilsome trek to India. He has been welcomed by the Government and the people of India with genuine affection.

 

Nehru is firm in his resolve to stand by the Dalai Lama and the people of Tibet in their misfortunes. Short of giving military assistance or abetting political activities carried on from India, he will do every thing to restore normal conditions in Tibet. The Tibetan question cannot be taken to the United Nations, since Communist China is not a member of that body. But the Prime Minister of India can exert his great influence and achieve a peaceful solution through diplomatic channels. There is no intention to revoke the Sino-Indian agreement of 1954 which referred to Tibet as the “Tibetan region of China.” Tibet can continue to be an autonomous State under Chinese suzerainty, though the just implications of that autonomy are for the moment ignored by China. The Dalai Lama cannot be a refugee for long. With the return of normal conditions in his homeland, he must return to lead his people in the paths of peace and maintain the traditional institutions of Tibet. Such progress as is in consonance with those traditions, and likely to advance the interests of the people, will always be welcome to the Dalai Lama and his advisers. What they seem to resent is violent and enforced change, unsuited to their way of life and their spiritual outlook.

 

The sympathies of all peace-loving people go out to the Dalai Lama. The pressure of public opinion in many lands must ultimately prevail, and enable him to return to Tibet and to a life of purfoseful activity in the interests of peace and orderly progress.

 

Sri Masti’s Great Novel

 

I am grateful to Sri D. V. Gundappa for the following valuable note on Sri Masti Venkatesa Iyengar’s historical novel. It is unfortunate that the Sahitya Akademi should have abandoned the proposal to get the novel translated into all the Indian languages:

 

Chenna Basava Nayaka seeks to embody, in the form of a novel, the life of the people in the North-Western part of Mysore, in the eighteenth century. The atmosphere of those troubled and exciting times and the character-traits of their significant personalities have been vividly portrayed in the novel with a mastery of technique and a force of style all his own. The story centres round the Court of Queen Veerammaji, who ruled from Bidanur (in the Shimoga District) from 1757 to l763, as a contemporary of the famous Hyder Ali. It is on record, from the pen of old historians like Wilkes and Rice, that the great lady’s reputation in the sphere of private life was not free from the imputation of certain peccadilloes. They affected her public position and policy in certain material respects. And to have brought this out in the novel is, in the eyes of a few persons of the Lingayat community, the offence of Sri Venkatesa Iyengar. It is important to note that the grouse is not of the entire Lingayat community as such, or of even the bulk of it. Indeed, there are a good many Lingayat gentlemen who have openly dissociated themselves from the few objectors to the book.

 

“The book was first published in Kannada in 1949–ten years ago; and a translation of it in English by Rajasevaprasakta Sri Navaratna Rama Rao was issued in 1957. That a man of letters and a retired administrative officer of the high distinction of Sri Navaratna Rama Rao should have made himself responsible for the English version is in itself a unique testimony to the impeccable and exalted quality of the work. Recognizing this, the Sahitya Akademi was considering a proposal to make the work available in translation to the public of other Indian languages. The Kannada Advisory Board of the Akademi supported the idea and, perhaps, initiated it. The prospect of a greater vogue for the novel thus seemed near. It was at this stage, some nine years after the first publication of the book, that certain Lingayat gentlemen came to fancy in the work something disparaging to their community. It was nothing to them that the entire past of the writer repudiates the possibility of such an inclination in him. All who know Sri Venkatesa Iyengar know that he is singularly incapable of insulting or hurting any one. On the other hand, he has taken a large and active part in interpreting the teachings of Sri Basavesvara, and in striving for the harmony of heart among the followers of our various faiths. He is by conviction as well as nature, a man of peace and goodwill.

 

“It is an accepted canon all the world over that the imaginative writer–poet or dramatist, novelist or fabulist–serves his fellowmen by revealing to them a new vision of life, its unsuspected heights or its undiscovered depths; that, for this purpose, he might draw his material from anywhere; that he may re-shape it anyhow; and that for any one to interfere with the free flow of his speech or song is to deprive the community of the very best that he has in him to give. The imaginative writer has to deal more with possibilities and probabilities than with actualities. He has to speculate, re-fashion and bring convincing verisimilitude into his picture. To do this successfully, he has to take liberties with his raw material, whether it be drawn from history or from legend, from folklore or from street gossip. All great writers have done it. Shakespeare has done it. Dr. Puttappa the Akademi Laureate, has done it. Has the Sahitya Akademi examined this aspect of the matter? Shakespeare, for example, is taken by some to have libelled the proletariat–the god of our day. Why does the Akademi want that Shakespeare translated? If there are people who have made it their business to raise a grouse, they are not without provocation in ‘Kuvempu’s’ writings. Has any one squirmed? It is a compliment to the ordinary good sense of our people that they generally let a writer pursue his path. Whether the writer succeeds in what he sets out to accomplish is a different matter altogether. The vision he saw might have been a false one. His own workmanship may have been faulty. He may be lacking in any of a hundred factors needed in him and necessary for success, or these may be in maladjustment and out of proportion. But, in any case, the State ought not to give room for it to be said that he either failed or suffered because of its meddlesome hand. In the present case, the Government did not interfere directly with the writer’s liberty, but it has approved of the raising of a wall around the light of his vision; and, in this, it has proclaimed its readiness to discountenance certain altogether allowable and even desirable forms of imaginative effort in literature. Is this doing respect to republican freedom?”

 

1 May 8

 

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