‘TRIVENI
HAS SHED LIGHT ON MY PATH.
BLESSED BE HER NAME!
Our First President
It
was Free India’s singular good fortune to have secured the services of Dr
Rajendra Prasad as its first President and of Sri Jawaharlal Nehru as its first
Prime Minister. They were among the most distinguished of the Knights of the
Round Table whom the Father of the Nation chose from different parts of
Great
as a scholar and patriot, Rajendra Prasad was superb as a great gentleman. In
him was a rare combination of simplicity and dignity, and a remarkable balance
of intellect and croatian. After a school and college career of exceptional
brilliance, he was wooed by Gokhale on behalf of the Servants of India Society,
but it was Gandhiji who eventually succeeded and won him over to
Non-co-operation. Sachchidananda Sinha, the patriarch of
The
Bill accepted by Parliament was an attempt to steer clear of the extremists on
either side, those lovers of Hindi who wish to see it installed as the sole
official language from January 1965, to the complete exclusion of English, and
the advocates of English who seek an amendment of the Constitution so as to
restore the position obtaining in 1947, without the interposition of Hindi in
the all-India sphere. Ever since the famous pronouncement of the Prime Minister
in Parliament in 1959 envisaging the continuance of English as an “associate
language” for as long as the non-Hindi speaking people wished it, public
opinion all over India had settled down to a state of equanimity and tolerance
of conflicting views. It was taken for granted that, without prejudice to the
status accorded by the Constitution to Hindi, a highly developed, efficient,
international language like English which served us well for over a century,
would still be available for the many purposes of Central administration and
legislation, for the use of the highest courts, and as a link language between
the Centre and the States, and between one State and another. Any sudden break
with the past, in a matter so vital as the all-India official language, would
inevitably lead to confusion. Hindi is still an undeveloped language and not
fit to play the role intended for it by the optimistic framers of the
Constitution. It has not been employed as the sole official language in all the
Hindi-speaking States. It will grow, as other Indian languages are growing, and
in a short period these languages may become the official languages of the
States, with English as an associate language in several of them. Some decades
of transition, of prolonged bilingualism, are needed before a final decision
can be taken by a future Parliament, in the light of circumstances then existing.
Meanwhile, no passion or bitterness need be imported into the controversy
regarding the status of Hindi versus English.
But
this state of complacency was rudely disturbed by the Socialist Party which
sponsored a fanatical movement to abandon English altogether. They were
supported by the Hindu Mahasabha and by leading Hindi scholars like Dr Raghu
Vira and Seth Govinda Das. Conferences were held and emphatic resolutions
passed urging the total abandonment of English in administration and
legislation. This naturally roused the ire of the advocates of English, and
they were further exasperated by the lack of decorum on the part of the Hindi
enthusiasts who insisted on Sri Biswanath Das, the Governor, speaking in Hindi
in the U. P. Legislature, and created a scene in Parliament by urging that
President Radhakrishllan should deliver his opening address in Hindi. The
non-Hindi people were hurt and they looked to the Prime Minister for the
implementation of his assurances, which Rajaji hailed as the Magna Carta of
the non-Hindi people.
It
was in a tense atmosphere that the two Houses of Parliament discussed the Bill.
It was critcised vehemently by the Opposition parties, though for widely
divergent reasons. The
Congress party
expressed general satisfaction, while some members of the party wished that
statutory recognition had been accorded to the Prime Minister’s assurances,
repeated by him during the debate, and further endorsed by the Home Minister
who was in charge of the Bill. A purely permissive measure, enabling the
Government of India to continue to employ English for an indefinite period, is
not an ideal solution of the problem. But it is the only feasible one,
embodying the greatest common measure of agreement. Further decisions will be
taken after consultation with the State Governments, while the Prime Minister’s
original assurance was to the effect that the non-Hindi States would have a
decisive voice, inasumch as their interests were to be safeguarded against any
disadvantages arising from the change-over to Hindi.
There
is a consensus of opinion regarding the compulsory teaching of English in all
schools and colleges in
If
bilingualism is now accepted as a feature of our public life, is it desirable
to insist that, at some time in the future, the nation should finally resolve
to adopt only one language-Hindi or English–as the sole official language for
all-India purposes? Since both languages will be taught in our schools, and
large numbers of Indian citizens will be familiar with both, may we not look
forward to a time when all controversies on this issue will be laid at rest and
Hindi and English accepted as the twin official languages of
The
scheme will involve some duplication in official work and correspondence, and
also additional expense, but it is certainly worth while, from the point of
view of national integration and international contacts.
Public
opinion in
At
a colourful function at Ravindra Bharati, Hyderabad, last month, the admirers
of Prof. M. Venkatarangaiya, including several of his old students, offered
reverential ‘Puja’ (worship) to the Guru and to the Guru-Patnni (the
wife of the Guru). Eminent educationists, administrators, judges, poets
and artists vied with one another in paying tributes to the Acharya who had
devoted more than fifty years of his eventful life to the study and the
teaching of his favourite subjects–history, economics and political science–to
three generations of students at widely scattered centres like Kakinada,
Vizianagaram, Nellore, Waltair and Bombay. Students belonging to successive
batches deemed it a privilege to sit in his classes and listen to his masterly
exposition of important themes. While he was familiar with many topics and
dealt with them in a style marked by elegance, precision and wealth of detail,
he was at his best in unravelling the intricate theories of the State and the
working of the written and un-written Constitution of many lands. His books,
essays, and addresses to distinguished gatherings all over
His
interests are varied. He is a keen student of literature–English, Sanskrit and
Telugu–a stalwart in the co-operative movement an ardent Theosophist,
and an unattached journalist whose articles and reviews are welcomed by the
public and valued for the scholarship and critical acumen which they reveal. He
is a severe observer of the changing social and political scene in
When
the
The story is told how the Professor
served as a member of a selection committee for the appointment of a Professor
of Politics in the Bombay University, and how the other members of the
committee made a special request to the Professor to accept the post himself!
It was a great compliment to the Professor, and he served the university for
three years.
The
Professor now lives in
To
men like me who have always looked up to him as a kindly Elder, association
with him is rich in its memories. It was a proud moment in my life when the
Professor spoke words of commendation regarding ‘Triveni’ and agreed with
pleasure to contribute essays and reviews. His quarterly survey of Foreign
Affairs 1 in this journal is read by a vide circle of scholars with
genuine appreciation. That elders like him have lent distinction to the journal
is a matter of joy to me. I tender my respectful greetings to him.
1 The
Professor’s indifferent health prevented him from writing for this number.