Indian Journalism: A Testament of Faith

The pioneers of Indian journalism copied the example of their great contemporaries in England. Indeed, there could be no worthier models to follow. For centuries the leading organs of public opinion in England battled for the right. They functioned as the tribunes of the people, and preserved their hard won liberties. The work of the press was thus complementary to that of the political leaders who stood up for liberty of thought and expression. We have a similar story in India. Our fight for freedom was waged on many fronts; but the platform and the press were the most important of them. India too has had her heroes in the field of journalism–her Behramji, Malabaries and Ramananda Chatterjees, her Chintamanis and Kasturi Ranga Iyengars. They were, to journalism, what Gokhale and Gandhi were to national politics.

The men at the helm of a newspaper must be alert. They must be men of insight and vision who can grasp the inwardness of a situation, feel the pulse of the public, and body forth the yet unspoken thoughts of the masses of men. This is an instinct which is akin to genius, and every great Editor is something of a prophet too. And if he is utterly sincere and unselfish, he rarely goes wrong. He is able to function simultaneously as the reflector and guide of public opinion.

A well-conducted newspaper or periodical voluntarily imposes on itself certain restraints, so as not to transgress against God, or the State, or the reputation of individual wielders of power. Criticism, even strong criticism, is an inherent right, but the exercise of it is conditioned by the equal inherent rights of others. Criticism of measures, rather than of men, must be the main objective, though it is sometimes difficult to draw the line between men and the measures they sponsor when in office. But it is a salutary rule to avoid the imputation of evil motives, unless the evidence is overwhelming.

A wise Government, wedded to the democratic tradition, will not seek to fetter the press. Any restraints that it may be called upon to impose on the press during a period of war or other great crisis, are of a temporary nature. But even in normal times, the State, in the interests of public order, has to enact laws applicable to the press. Incitement to violence, or the promotion of hatred between different sections of the public, has to be guarded against. In the case of a professed guardian of the public welfare like a democratic press, a Government should exercise the greatest caution when bringing in legislation seeking to control the press. It is not enough that popularly elected legislatures scrutinise such a Bill before it becomes law. The representatives of the press must themselves be consulted, and charged with the duty of maintaining standards of conduct within their profession. Violent and unbridled criticism is certainly an evil, but, in the effort to prevent it, even the right type of criticism is apt to be stifled. It is necessary to preserve freedom of expression, without giving rein to licence. This becomes possible through an under between the representatives of the press and the State.

But the freedom of the press has implications other than the absence of restraints imposed by the State through legislation or executive orders. Where the press is fast ceasing to be a vocation, and taking on the character of an industry, the influence of the money power may become a menace to the freedom of the press. The fabulously rich industrialist is not content to ply his trade and enjoy the comfort which the possession of wealth brings with it. He must acquire political power by getting his men elected to the legislatures, and, even more, through control over the press. One way of controlling the press is by owning a newspaper or a chain of newspapers, and paying a competent staff to function as mouthpieces of his views on all matters of public interest. Another way is to win over the press through his power of patronage in the shape of advertisements on a huge scale. The money power works in insidious ways, and saps the vitality of the press. Friends of democracy and champions of the people’s right to a free press, must devise means to protect the press from the encroachments of the monied interests, quite as much as from encroachments by the State.

Yet another danger to the press arises from the impact of mass opinion. In their anxiety to give to the public what the public is supposed to want, the leaders in the world of journalism unconsciously betray the true interests of that public. If the papers feed the public on sensation, the public acquires a taste for sensational news and for stories of violent crime. The taste grows on what is served. It is an unhealthy sign when the press of a country panders to an ignorant public, and sinks to the level of sensation-mongering. The truth is that important elements in a nation’s life are fundamentally sound. Their instincts are healthy. The press is not called upon to stray from the straight path, and corrupt the public taste. All writing meant for the public must be bright, lively, and interesting. But there is no need, acting on wrong assumptions of popular requirements, to vulgarise journalism.

The presentation of news in proper form is a great aid to the busy reader. But sometimes the lay-out and headlines are given too much prominence. In the search for smart and sensational headlines, a wrong twist is given to the news. For instance, some newspapers have developed the habit of giving what are called ‘streamer’ headlines. Anyone can see that events of outstanding significance like the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi or the inauguration of the Indian Republic do not happen every day. By racking your brains for the wording of a streamer headline from day to day, you are obliged to give undue importance to ordinary occurrences, just because there must be some kind of a thundering headline. Even in the disposition of the news over the columns on a single page, some papers present the appearance of a zig-zag puzzle. Such featuring is a hindrance rather than a help to the reader. It confuses him and even misleads him with regard to the significance of the news items.

In recent years there has been a tendency to exaggerate the value of the technical and business staff, and underrate the services of the real makers of a newspaper or periodical. The framework of technicians and business managers is indeed necessary for the successful functioning of a newspaper. But ultimately it is the quality of the writing that tells. The editorial staff produce valuable material dealing with the main problems of the day, in addition to putting into shape the huge mass of manuscripts passing through their hands. It is they, again, who keep in touch with the progress of knowledge in various fields, and send out requests for special articles to persons who have mastered their subjects and can write with clarity. The editorial staff which thus wins special distinction for a paper is not usually rewarded in an adequate measure. Comparing their emoluments with those enjoyed by men of similar ability and equipment in the permanent services of a State, or in the realms of law, industry and finance, one notes with regret the shabby treatment accorded to these talented persons, who not only reflect public opinion, but shape and guide it. The journalists of modern India have learnt to look upon their profession as something of a mission. Their zeal is so great that they make light of hardships. It is not fair to discount their services and take advantage of their idealism. This is an aspect of journalism, on its business side, which has not received the attention it deserves. The working journalists, like the lecturers in our colleges and universities, are among the lowest paid intellectuals in any land. In different ways, these are the educators of the nation, and it is only the consciousness of service rendered with devotion which sustains them in difficult moments.

Politics and economics play a large part in a nation’s life under modern conditions. But they do not exhaust a nation’s range of interests. Art and literature, sport and pastime, science and industry, philosophy and religion, appeal in varying degrees to large sections of the public. The leading newspapers always recognise this position, and devote space to items of interest bearing on these topics. But it is to the weeklies, the monthlies and the quarterlies that the public must turn for a fuller treatment of these subjects. These periodicals are produced at greater leisure; the writers have more time to collect their material and present it in an attractive manner. They are like a half-way house between the daily papers produced at top-speed, and the volumes of learned treatises which take years to write. The periodicals cater to select, but cultivated, groups of readers. They thus influence the opinions of those who in their turn influence the general public. It is to the growth of the periodicals that we must look for the evolution of an independent, cultured, and educative type of journalism. Appraisal of new movements in painting and sculpture, criticism of the stage and screen, reviews of poetry and fiction, disquisitions on contemporary science and current trends in politics and philosophy, will appeal to a cultured audience. Periodicals can be so edited as to serve as extension schools.

Several journals of this type, Indian and foreign, have disappeared for lack of public support. This will affect, adversely, the cultural life of a nation. A periodical might not make a profit, nor even pay its way. But it will uphold values which are of the utmost significance to the future of the nation and of humanity.

Back