One of the neglected problems in recent Indian
politics is that of Linguistic Minorities, and the country has been paying
dearly for this neglect. This problem has an inter-provincial bearing, as it
affects equally all the language groups. On the wise and satisfactory solution
of it depend the integrity, harmony and solidarity of future India.
The nature of this problem can be appreciated if it
is borne in mind that most of the existing British-Indian Provinces are not
formed on any preconceived rational basis, but are the result of factors which
may be described as purely accidental or even arbitrary without reference to
considerations of linguistic or cultural harmony, or the wishes of the people
concerned, generally.
Then, again, with regard to size, population and
revenues there are wide disparities: while there are Provinces with more than
fifty million population and more than forty crores. Revenue, there are others
with a population of barely five million and a revenue of scarcely four crores.
Certain disparities in size and revenue are unavoidable, but the formation of
Provinces on a linguistic basis will help to a considerable extent in bringing
about not only cultural harmony and homogeneity but also a reduction in
disparities in size, population and revenue.
There are some who feel that the formation of
Linguistic Province might lead to more separationist and exclusive tendencies;
but if we remember that the present friction between various linguistic groups
is largely due to the fact of their being thrown together into heterogeneous
Provinces and to the lack of a uniform policy with regard to the status of
Linguistic Minorities, it will be realised that the formation of Linguistic Provinces
would, in all probability, lessen the present friction.
Although the Congress has recognised the principle
of Linguistic Provinces it has not attempted (or rather it could not) to
demarcate the provincial boundaries, as this could be undertaken only by a
boundary commission appointed under the authority of a national government: for
the same reason the Congress has allowed parallel Congress Committees to
function in sever bi-lingual areas. Such Congress Committees have functioned in
utmost harmony in the past, but owing to several factors friction has been
developing in recent years which can be allayed only by the Congress
enunciating definite policy with regard to the status of Linguistic Minorities
and by announcing that the fixing of provincial boundaries will be undertaken
at the earliest opportunity by a national boundary commission commanding the
confidence of all, before which every one would be free to present their
respective cases. To allay the apprehensions regarding the Orissa-Andhra boundary
question, Dr Pattabhi Sitaramayya and Sri Hare Krishna Mehtab (now Premier of
Orissa) issued a joint statement some time ago wherein they said that it is
possible that some portions might have unjustly been excluded from the present
Province of Orissa, that, similarly, some portions might have been unjustly
included, and that the whole question would have to be settled by a boundary
commission. Although the statement enunciated a general principle and nothing
more, and although no reasonable person could have taken exception to it, a
section of Oriyas unfortunately went to the extent of assaulting Dr. Pattabhi
and party when he visited Berhampore in connection with the recent Central
Assembly elections. They seem to have felt that while the boundary question may
be reopened with a view to enlarge the resent boundaries of Orissa, the
question whether some portions had been unjustly included should not be gone
into. The unreasonableness of such an attitude and the nervousness to refer the
boundary question as a whole to an impartial tribunal need no comment. The
Oriyas claim that certain tracts in Bihar, Madras and other Provinces have yet
to be included in Orissa, but when the Andhras of certain tracts now included
in Orissa express dissatisfaction with the present boundaries from their
viewpoint, they are found fault with and even described as traitors to the
Province of Orissa. The absurdity of such a contention will be patent if it is
pointed out that the Oriya inhabitants of certain tracts in Bihar and Madras
who plead for the inclusion of those areas in Orissa could, on the above
analogy, be described as no less traitors to Bihar and Madras! But, neither in
Bihar nor in Madras such an outcry been heard against Oriyas seeking inclusion
in Orissa.
It should be remembered, in this connection, that
boundaries can be fixed on certain just and recognised principles but it may
not be possible to satisfy every one. It should also be remembered that the
Indian population so intermixed that, wherever ultimately the boundaries might
be drawn, there are bound to be bi-lingual areas in the border districts of
almost every province. This, really cannot be helped, and once the boundaries
are finally fixed no more controversies should be allowed. But if the people
can be made to feel that provincial boundaries would prove hardly any more
barriers than district boundaries, and that they can be equally happy on
whichever side of a provincial boundary they might find their permanent
habitation, much of the present apprehensions regarding boundaries is sure to
disappear. Indeed, if people were to feel that their habitation on this or that
side of a provincial boundary would make such a huge difference in their lives,
there is every danger of interested parties trying to influence decisions of
the boundary commission both by unfair means and by agitation. In such an
atmosphere, the work of the boundary commission is sure to be hampered and it
might be difficult to arrive at just and impartial decisions. It will be seen,
then, that from the view-point of the requisite, peaceful atmosphere for the
boundary commission to carry on its work as well as the view-point of
permanent, harmonious relations among the various language groups, the
enunciation and implementation of a wise, just and uniform policy with regard
to the status of Linguistic Minorities in existing Provinces, coupled with an
assurance that the same policy would continue towards the Linguistic Minorities
which are bound to exist in each of the Provinces even after re-formation of
the Provinces on a linguistic basis, is an urgent necessity.
This problem figured prominently, it may be noted,
for the first time during the regime of the last Congress Ministry with regard
to the status of Bengalees in Bihar. The Bengalees in Bihar, except in
contiguous districts like Purulia (which are bi-lingual areas and where the
Bengali population is indigenous) are largely professional people who have made
Bihar their home by settling down there. Being an enterprising people who
availed themselves fully of opportunities for higher education, the Bengalees
in Bihar had come to occupy a conspicuous position in government and
quasi-government services in Bihar. The grievance of the Biharees was that,
although they were by far the majority section of the Province, they were
proportionately less represented in the services and other public offices. The
best way to remedy this state of affairs was for the Biharees to take to more
educational pursuits and cultivate enterprise and initiative. It would be
right, of course, on the part of the Bihar Government (as it would be on the
part of any provincial government) to extend all legitimate facilities to
sections (whether majority or minority communities) which are less advanced and
less represented in services and other public offices, with a view to bringing
about a uniform development among the various sections inhabiting the Province
without, however, sacrificing merit and efficiency. But such policy should not
result in any unfair discrimination against any section which, by virtue of
superior merit, education and enterprise, attains a comparatively advanced
status. Even when equal opportunities are provided for all, some sections may
show greater enterprise than other sections. To decry the more enterprising
sections on that score would, in the long run, result in denying to the
Province concerned the benefit of their talents. Indeed, even among people
speaking the same
language, some sections, as may be evident to everyone, show greater
enterprise than other sections in various fields. Would it be wise then to
decry such sections? In Bombay, for instance, the Parsees by virtue of their
superior enterprise have come to occupy a foremost place although they
constitute one of the smallest communities. No one in Bombay, however, makes a
grievance of this. Bombay (as, indeed, the country as a whole) has been fully
benefited by the talent and enterprise of the Parsi community. Then, again, the
Kashmirees and Bengalees have come to occupy quite an important position in the
public life of the U. P. The U.P. people instead of making it a grievance have
claimed them as their own and have been fully benefited by such a wise policy.
If the cry that no important post should be given to non-Oriyas and that no representation
should be given to non-Oriyas either in the personnel selected to the
Constituent Assembly from Orissa, or to similar important public offices, were
to be followed by all the Provinces, where then would it lead the country?
If such a policy had been followed in the U.P.
neither Pandit Nehru nor Pandit Kunzru nor Sir Tej Bahdur Sapru would have been
thought eligible for election to the Constituent Assembly. Nor would persons
like Pandit Katju, Mrs. Pandit and the late Sir C. Y. Chintamani have adorned
the Ministry. If such persons were to be denied their due share of opportunity
in shaping the destinies of the Province, who would have been the greater
losers-the persons so denied or the people of the Province as a whole? In
Bihar, too, quite a good number of Bengalees were elected to the Constituent
Assembly, not with a view to give them special representation but simply on
merit and qualification. In Orissa, unfortunately, even the Press and public
opinion seem to have succumbed to the oft-heard cry of Orissa belonging to
Oriyas alone, and that non-Oriyas should be excluded from occupying important
posts or public offices. This is not mentioned by way of complaint against the
selection of personnel to the Constituent Assembly from Orissa (for the elected
representatives of the people have elected those whom they thought the best
fitted) but only to show the trends of public opinion, which can hardly be
described as healthy. In this connection it may be noted that sometime ago when
an Andhra inhabitant of Orissa was appointed public Prosecutor of Ganjam,
protests were made by a section of Oriyas against the post being given to a
non-Oriya. One can imagine how ugly disharmonious public life and relations
would become if every Province were to raise a similar cry. In Madras, which is
perhaps, the most multilingual Province in India the Malayalees are about eight
per cent of the total population, but they have come to occupy a
proportionately greater percentage of posts, high and low, by virtue of their effort,
efficiency, education and enterprise. Indeed, there are Oriyas, too, occupying
important positions in Madras. But no one has felt it as a grievance. Let every
Province, as has already been said, follow such a policy as to bring about a
uniform development among all sections whether belonging to the majority
minority sections without, however, sacrificing merit and efficiency. Let no
section have cause to feel that it is discriminated against or treated on a
different footing from the rest of the citizens of a Province.
It is highly regrettable that of late a tendency to
view sections which have a different mother-tongue from that of the main
language of a Province as ‘outsiders’ and ‘exploiters’ is noticeable. It is
difficult to understand how an inhabitant of a particular tract becomes an
outsider simply for the reason that his mother-tongue happens to be different
from that of the main language of that particular tract, or how enterprise and
initiative on the part of such a person becomes exploitation, when similar
enterprise on the part of a person whose mother-tongue is the main language of
the Province ceases to be exploitation, and becomes something altogether
praiseworthy! As long as opportunities are equal for all and no section is
given special concessions, it would be wrong to decry the enterprise of any
section that helps the Province to achieve eminence in a particular sphere. The
South Indian, for instance, owing to his general efficiency and educational
qualifications has, made a mark, particularly in the administrative,
educational, journalistic and accountancy lines. The Western Indian won similar
distinction in commercial and industrial pursuits. The Bengalees, Punjabees and
Maharashtrians too, have, shown marked enterprise in certain directions. If we
view the country as a whole, we will realise that by a largely natural process
the deficiencies in any sphere in any particular Province tend to be filled by
talent from others. It should be remembered, however, that whether it be the case
of Provinces or particular sections of a Province which are less advanced,
generally, than the rest of the sister Provinces or sections, all legitimate
assistance and encouragement should be given, consistent with the requirements
of merit and efficiency, so as to bring, as far as possible, all Provinces and
sections to a uniform level of advancement. It should not be forgotten that if
a limb is deficient the whole body is weakened; but, on the contrary, it should
also be remembered that any attempts to weaken the body also ultimately weaken
each limb. Provincialism like nationalism should be a worthy aspiration to
achieve cultural harmony, find fullest expression, and attain a healthy
all-round progress so as to contribute one’s best to humanity, but it should
not be allowance to degenerate into mere spit or callousness towards any. With
the introduction of Hindi or Hindustani as the Lingua Franca and the
fostering of greater inter-provincial cultural contacts, it may be possible at
no distant date for the present-day unfortunate tendencies to come to be viewed
only as a feature of the past. Both in the interest of permanent harmonious
relations as well as to facilitate to work of the boundary commission, as has
already been pointed out, enunciation and implementation of a wise, just and
uniform policy with regard to the status of Linguistic Minorities is an urgent
necessity.
Reverting to the Bihari-Bengali controversy during
the last Congress regime, it is interesting to note that the Congress for the
first time definitely laid down its policy with regard to this problem in the
Bardoli resolution of January 13, 1939. But, unfortunately, this policy was not
implemented on an all-India basis, with the result that even among the Congress
Provinces the policy with regard to Linguistic Minorities utterly lacks any
uniformity. Thus, for instance, in Orissa while every Oriya, irrespective of
the fact that he is an inhabitant of the Province or not, is eligible for
service and admission into Colleges, no non-Oriya is so eligible unless he
produces a domicile certificate, the obtaining of which quite often involves
unnecessary hardship and too great delay. The principle underlying this system
seems to imply that Orissa belongs to Oriyas alone, wherever they might have settled,
and that all non-Oriyas are there by sufferance. Such a system, as far as the
present writer is aware, has not been introduced in any other Congress
Province.
It has to be seriously considered whether it would
be desirable to view any Province (even after re-formation on a linguistic
basis) as the exclusive ‘homeland’ of the people speaking the main language of
the Province. History provides us no conclusive proof, on the basis of definite
boundaries, for any Province to be viewed as the exclusive ‘homeland’ of a
people speaking a particular language. Oriya kings, as every one knows, ruled
over tracts inhabited by non-Oriyas, and, similarly, Andhra kings have ruled
over tracts inhabited by non-Andhras. In fact, this has been the case with
almost every Province, and history provides us with no continuous and
conclusive proof with regard to provincial boundaries. It is wise, therefore,
to remember that the principle of Linguistic Provinces has comparatively little
to do with history, and is essentially one to be recognised for reasons of
administrative convenience and cultural homogeneity. Unless this is realised by
everyone, the bi-lingual areas in the border districts of each of the
Provinces, instead of becoming cementing forces, might develop into spots of
friction.
Then, again, although the principle that the medium
of instruction should be one’s own mother-tongue up to at least the high school
stage has received general recognition, in Orissa the Andhras of Ganjam and
Koraput are left with no other option than to receive instruction in all
non-language subjects either through English or Oriya. When the present Ganjam
and Koraput districts were in Madras, both the Andhras and Oriyas of these
districts were treated on the same footing along with the rest of the citizens
the Madras Presidency, both in the matter of admission into colleges and
services and with regard to the medium of instruction. Why should the Andhras
of these two districts be subjected to a different treatment in Orissa when,
for no fault of theirs, they happen to find themselves on a particular side of
a provincial boundary? Is it not strange that in two neighbouring Provinces
with Congress Governments the policy should be so very divergent?
It should not be forgotten that Orissa having been
formed primarily with a view to bring, as far as possible, all Oriya-speaking
tracts under one homogeneous administrative unit, it is but natural that Oriya
should be reocognised as the main language of the Province and every permanent
inhabitant, in his own interest, would have to learn Oriya sooner or later.
This would be true of every Province formed on a linguistic basis. Indeed, the
Andhras who have settled in the interior tracts of Orissa feel equally at home
both with regard to Oriya and Andhra languages. So, too, have the Andhras and
Gujeratis settled in the interior districts of Tamilnad adopted Tamil for all
purposes of business and social intercourse. But this is a natural process and
development. The Andhras of Ganjam and Koraput, however, belong to a bi-lingual
area, which is contiguous to Andhra districts, and it could be hardly just or
fair to leave them no other option than to receive education either through the
medium of Oriya or of English. Nor should it be forgotten that if the Oriya
inhabitants of the border districts in Madras or other Provinces are shown any
unfair discrimination, it requires to be immediately brought to light and
rectified. The instance of Andhras in Orissa is given only by way of
illustration of the problem which, quite possibly, might exist in one shape or
other and, to a greater or lesser degree, in many other Provinces.
As this problem is largely confined to Provinces,
which have popular Congress Governments, it is to be earnestly hoped that with
the approval of the Congress Working Committee, the Congress Governments would
soon formulate a wise, just and uniform policy so as to solve satisfactorily
this problem. How in the absence of a clear and definite policy, even
responsible public opinion tends to become narrow may be indicated by the
majority recommendations of the Domicile Committee appointed some time ago by
the then Orissa Government. The majority report, although not given effect to,
recommended the extension of domicile even to cover trade and franchise! It may
be repeated that the problem of Linguistic Minorities is not confined to
non-Oriyas in Orissa alone, but equally affects the Oriyas inhabiting other
Provinces and, in fact, all the Linguistic Minorities of all the Provinces.
Indeed, this has a bearing not only on the British Indian Provinces but also on
the Indian States.
In this connection, attention may be drawn to the
statement of Pandit Nehru in an interview at Bombay on August 13, 1946 which
was reported in The Hindu of August 15, wherein the Congress President
emphasised that the general Congress policy was to give complete freedom to a
group to develop its own language, even though it may be situated in another
language area.
It is earnestly hoped that not only requisite
attention will be given by the Congress government to this urgent problem but
that it will receive the attention of both the Experts Committee appointed by
the Congress in connection with the Constituent Assembly and the Advisory
Committee to be set up by the Constituent Assembly as provided in Sections 19
and 20 of the proposals for the Constituent Assembly, to report upon the
Fundamental Rights of citizens, safeguards required to protect minority
interests (the term ‘minorities’ however, requires to be clearly defined) and
schemes for the administration of tribal and excluded areas.
Tentatively, the following suggestions may be
considered:
(1)
Whether it would not
be desirable completely to do away with the domicile system and devise in its
place some simple rules so as to give preference to those who have sufficient
permanent interest in the Province concerned.
(2)
To make it incumbent
on the part of every provincial Government to extend facilities to impart
education through the medium of the mother-tongue at least up to the high
school stage wherever there are sufficient numbers in a school to warrant the
opening of new sections: or, wherever there are sufficient numbers, to warrant
the opening of a school; or wherever persons whose mother-tongue is not the
main language of the Province are not less than twenty per cent (which number
may be taken to be reasonable) of the total number of pupils of a school or
place. Where the number is less, even if the Government may not be expected to
extend facilities, the pupils should be allowed to answer examination papers
through the medium of their mother-tongue.
(3)
While a working
knowledge of the main language of a Province may be made a condition precedent
for government or quasi-government appointments, it should also be considered
whether it would not be desirable to give preference in bi-lingual areas of
border districts to those who possess a working knowledge of both the languages
of a bi-lingual district.