ENGLISH IN
DR. N. R. W. PANDE
Shri Kodanda Rao’s article on the Language Policy for
Shri Kodanda Rao
asserts in this article, as he has done elsewhere, that a language is not the
peculiar possession of any racial or national group any more than the train or
the motor car. This statement is very fundamental and needs examination. Most nationhoods are co-extensive with
a particular language. The French, Italian, German, etc., are nations named
after a language. One would have thought that language is a primary determining
factor of nationhood. That there are other nationhoods,
like the Russian or the Indian, which are multilingual
does not detract from the primary role of language in determining nationhood.
The example of the Indians or the Russians only points to other factors besides
language.
The ‘English’ train and
the English language
The
fundamental difference between a language and a branch of knowledge like, say
mathematics, or a machine like, say the motor car, is that the criterion of
truth in a science, and of efficiency in a machine, are extra-national. A
particular mathematical theory is not regarded as correct because it is current
in a particular nation. Mathematics may have originated in
Some
English enthusiasts in
In
this contention, a fundamental difference between
Indians,
on the other hand, have acquired the use of the English language on pain of
starvation. English, so far, has not succeeded in displacing Indian languages
excepting where the British Government displaced them at the point of the
bayonet. The process of acquiring English, for an Indian, is very prolonged,
involving whole-time learning for about 10 to 15 years, constantly keeping the
English norm in view. If the English norm is no longer there, the type of
English that will develop in
Again
the whole argument for English is based on the fact that it is the language of
a large number of English and American people who have produced a very rich
literature on all subjects. Anyone else who wants to take advantage of the wide
intelligibility of English in England and America, and the vast literature
produced by these nations, must always try to conform to the English that is
accepted as English by them. Any other English will be English only in name. It
follows, therefore, that English, for the Indian, will for ever remain a
foreign language. It cannot be appropriated to ourselves by just calling
it our own.
The Message of Yeats
In
this connection, the English enthusiasts should remember the message which the
poet Yeats sent to Indo-English writers. When Yeats was asked whether he had any message for Indo-English
writers, Yeats is reported to have said “Yes, I have.
Don’t write in English.” In spite of the fact that most of our educational
resources in the last 150 years have been concentrated on acquiring the use of
English, we have not produced a single writer whose writing can be said to be a
part of English literature. Tagore was avowedly a Bengali author translated
into English. Authors like Dr. Radhakrishnan are read
in the West not for their English but for the Indian philosophy
which their English conveys, and even authors like R. K. Narayan
and others are read for the Indian content of their writings
and not for their English. That English cannot be our language has been amply
demonstrated in the last 150 years.
It
is true that a man is not born with a language but into a language and,
therefore, an Indian child removed from birth to
Shri Kodanda
Rao observes that our language policy should be based on present
communicational needs. I would agree with this statement if the word ‘present’
is dropped from it. The present communicational needs in India have been
artificially brought about by a military conquest. If our country had been
conquered by the Chinese or the Japanese, Chinese or the Japanese would have today
occupied the same place as English is occupying. Since we are now free to choose our own language, the
fact that we were conquered by the English should no longer weigh in choosing a
Union-language. In fact a self-respecting nation would regard that as a reason
for not having English.
Who needs English?
What then are
the communicational needs of the Indians? Most Indian languages are highly
developed instruments of expression with thousands of years of literary history
behind them. It is only deplorable ignorance of our own languages, and fashions
of thought perpetuated by our subjugation, that have given rise to the widely
held view that the Indian languages are inferior to English. No Indian would
need English for communication if the Government does not make it obligatory
that English must be used. Most Indians can satisfy all their communicational
needs by learning their mother-tongue. A few who will serve the Union
Government will need to know the language of the Union Government, which
according to the Constitution is Hindi. Since Hindi is the mother-tongue of
over 10 crores of Indians, it follows that those who
are included in these over 10 crores will not need to
learn any language other than their mother-tongue even if they serve the Union
Government. Who then needs English in India?
The answer is
that only those who have received education upto M.
A., and want to pursue the subject of their special study throughout life, need
to know English. But here also the claims of English are not exclusive. The
claims of French, German, Italian, Russian and Spanish cannot be ignored. It is
very often laid by the English enthusiasts that these other languages are not
as rich as English in scientific literature. But this does not mean that we can
afford to ignore these languages. English may have 100 technical papers for
every 70 in German but the 100 English papers are no substitute for the German
ones. For every hundred knowing graduates, we must therefore produce at least
70 German knowing ones. It follows, therefore, that even as a foreign language,
English cannot have any monopoly in the Indian system of education.
Acquiring
scientific knowledge is not the only purpose in studying a foreign language.
Being conversant with the life and literature of a vast body of people, the 600
million Chinese, for example, is an important purpose in learning a foreign
language. Our deplorable ignorance about the Chinese is
mainly due to our exclusive adherence to English, and not studying
any other foreign language as an alternative to it. If there were thousands of
educated men in India who have spent as much time on Chinese as
we
are required to spend on English, we would not have been cut off from momentous
events occurring in an important area of the world. Far from being a “window on
the world” English has been mainly responsible for our isolation. We view the
world through the glasses of the English speaking nations. Languages like
Chinese and Japanese must, therefore, have an honoured
place in our curriculum and those who take to them should not be bothered with
the study of English in addition.
Comprehension and
Expression
Shri Kodanda Rao has
ignored the question of the level of ability in a foreign language that is
needed by us. Even the life-long research workers need to know English only for
comprehension purposes. They need not be able to express themselves in English.
A comprehension level of ability in a language can be attained much more easily
than the expression level of ability. It is quite sufficient to start the study
of English or some other European language at the University level. Six years’
study upto the M.A. standard by highly intelligent
people, for whom alone University education should be reserved, should be
sufficient for the attainment of a comprehension level of ability in European
languages. I would recommend, therefore, that the incubus of English should be
removed altogether from our schools.
Shri Kodanda Rao has
fallen a prey to the missionary myth that India has thousands of languages. He
has also referred to the languages spoken by one person. In that sense, India
does not have thousands but 400 million languages. The linguistic distribution
of present day India can be adequately covered by about 10 languages. Even
these 10 languages are so similar to each other that if English had not
interfered in the last 150 years most Indians would have been able to follow
each other in their own languages. A Maharashtrian does not take much time to
follow Gujerati or Punjabi, even with the present
hindrance of English, if he stays for a few weeks in Gujerati
or Punjabi areas. If the hindrance of English were not there, migrants to other
provinces would have tried more sincerely to understand the inhabitants of
their new province in their own language. This is hardly a matter of weeks. The
so-called linguistic heterogeneity of India is a myth created by the votaries
of English. Just as the British rule prevented the integration of the Indian
nation, the English language has prevented the integration of the Indian
languages.
Shri Kodanda Rao talks of the cost involved in translating from
English into Hindi. Here he is on the weakest ground in his argumentation.
Comparing the cost of producing the required literature in Indian languages
with the cost of teaching English to every school-going child, is like
comparing the cost of setting up a car industry in India with the cost of
importing cars for all time to come or the cost of building a road with the
cost of every traveller making his own road. If we
are turning out 2 million English knowing students, the cost involved is at
least 20 million man-years, on the assumption that about 10 years whole time
study is needed for acquiring the use of English. Again this cost in man-years
is perpetual and ever-increasing. In 20 million man-years the entire literature
of English can be translated several times over.
English and our Defence
Those
who justify the imposition of English on every school-going child forget some
elementary psychological facts. Every school child does not have the ability to
pick up a foreign language like English, to the level of comprehension and
expression which our system aims at. The result of this is that many pupils who
lack this ability but have tremendous talent in science or other disciplines
are unjustly denied a chance of further education. This is a great loss to the
country.
This
is more evident in Defence than anywhere else.
Military abilities have no special relationship with the ability to learn
English. By restricting entry to all the important jobs in the Defence Services to the English knowing few, we are denying
ourselves the services of thousands who may have superior military abilities.
This
question will assume serious proportions if we are required their to raise an
army comparable to that of China. An army of three million may need thirty
thousand officers. At the present rate it would be impossible to find this
number among the English educated. Even if somebody gives us 10,000 planes, we
would not be able to produce 10,000 efficient pilots expeditiously if
our choice is limited to the English educated, because English education
has no special relationship with flying efficiency.
I
now come to the apprehensions about Hindi, some justified and
some exaggerated, that are present in the minds of South Indians.
The apprehensions mainly pertain to the advantage the Hindi speaking people may
have in the all-India Services.
In
this connection, it should be noted that the Hindi that should become the Union
language will be different from the Hindi that is the mother-tongue of a
particular province. The all-India Hindi will have the inflections of khari boli and
a predominantly Sanskrit vocabulary. Since Sanskrit vocabulary is common to all
the Indian languages, including Tamil, and the inflections of khari boli also are
fairly common throughout India, the apprehension that people coming from a
particular province will have an undue advantage in handling such a language is
largely imaginary. After about a couple of decades, it is quite certain that
the South Indians will be able to influence the development of Hindi itself
according to their own genius. Indians can never hope to influence the growth
of the English language according to their own genius. That this will not be
the case with Hindi is evident from the fact that many pioneers of Hindi
literature came from the non-Hindi speaking sections. South Indians form more
than one-third of the population of India and it is inconceivable that if they
take to Hindi, Hindi will dominate them. It is more rational to expect that they
will dominate Hindi.
Real Linguistic
Integration
Nevertheless
there is some justification for the demand that the Hindi speaking people
should be required to study an Indian language other than Hindi. The process of
linguistic fusion should be mutual. Shri Kodanda Rao frowns on this admirable suggestion as a
“reciprocity in disability.” It is strange to hear that knowledge is a
disability. I do not myself know any South Indian language but many south
Indian languages must be having literatures almost as rich as that of Marathi
or Bengali and purely from the educational point of view the knowledge of the
life and literature of the South Indians will be a valuable achievement. Besides,
if our educational system produces people who are intimately conversant with
some other Indian language besides their own, there will be a fear greater
emotional understanding of each other, than there is at present.
The
most pathetic part in the advocacy of English is the claim that it is the
“cementing force” of Indian nationalism. If the English language is supposed to
be a cementing force of Indian nationalism, the British Government can
with equal justice be said to have fulfilled that claim and we can have any
number of such “cementing forces” if we allow our country to be occupied by the
Chinese or Pakistani invaders.
The
advocates of English strike me as people who cannot look beyond their noses.
The accidental circumstance of their being born under British rule in India has
coloured all their judgement. I have seen individuals
who, being born before the British rule was established, died after
it came to an end. The British rule did not outlast an individual human life.
It was a brief–though shameful–chapter in our history, and to suppose that this
brief period should determine the shape of India for all time to come is
betraying myopia of intelligence. The British rule was a misfortune. All its
consequences were disastrous and there is hope for this country only as long as
we look upon this period with unalloyed shame and try to wipe out all its
traces.
But
for the accident of British occupation it would have been obvious to anyone
that we have a tremendous asset in the Hindi language. It is known by 14 crores of people. If we adopt the right policy, it can
surely become intelligible to 400 millions. The language understood by 400
million people with a long, and on the whole proud, history will not take time
to become rich in all types of literature and spread at least throughout Asia.
Even now with great political disadvantages, Hindi has spread to Ceylon, Burma
and South East Asia. If we adopt the right policy it can soon become a major
language of Asia. Our prestige will rise higher if our language becomes a major
language in the world. This will promote Hindi studies throughout the world,
and thereby to secure universal understanding and sympathy for India. The
spread of Hindi in the world will bring us prestige which our parroting of
English will never bring. English will for ever be the mark of our subjugation.
The
contention of the advocates of English that it is necessary for international
communication is baseless. The United Nations, for example, have not accepted
this contention. They have accepted many other languages including Hindi as
international.