BY SARDAR RAO BAHADUR M. V. KIBE, M.A.

(Deputy Prime Minister, Indore, (Retired))

The National Congress has declared its resolve to establish Provinces on the linguistic basis as far as British India is concerned. The British Government did not see its way to embody that scheme in the Government of India Act of 1935, although where the pressure of public opinion was great it yielded by creating the homogeneous Provinces of Orissa and Sind. It is not claimed that language is the only basis for limiting the boundaries of a Province; yet, that it ought to form a primary consideration is admitted on all hands.

Karnataka and Andhra are now ripe, as the result of agitation, for having separate Provinces on the linguistic basis. This will naturally free the Tamil country from its present close association with Andhra and Karnataka. Although the former is largely included in the present Madras Province, the latter is divided between it and Bombay, and its position is further complicated by part of it being included in the Indian State of Mysore. The separation of the Karnataka area also from the Madras Province will automatically raise the question of Malayalam speaking Kerala which will be in isolation, and the position of which also is further complicated by its being scattered between Travancore and Cochin. In passing, however, it may be said that the efflux of time will alone solve this question of the mixing up of the territories of the Indian States with what is going to become an independent or at least autonomous India.

In the case of the Madras Province there is also the question of the capital city. If Andhra and Tamil have separate capitals, and Karnataka and Kerala are separated from the present Madras Province, the importance of the city will dwindle into insignificance. Not being on the highway of the continental trade, and having many rival sea-ports, Vizagapatam among which is the most important, the city of Madras will go to ruin, because, unlike Bombay, it cannot exist by itself. In the case of the last named city, it can be converted into a Province by itself, including the present suburbs and even Bassein and the country up to Thana.

Publicists in the Madras Province have proposed that the capitals of Andhra and Tamil may both be located in Madras. This proposal, if accepted, while safeguarding the importance of the city, will be conducive to cultural and social development. Madras city will then acquire an unique position and be a shining example of unity in diversity, a result absolutely and fundamentally according to the genius of the Indian civilisation and implicit in India’s future development as a continental State, making its influence felt in the world.

It is a most lucky circumstance for the unification of the Maharashtra that no such questions, at any rate with one exception, will arise with regard to it. From the earliest times its boundaries have been well defined. There have been many kingdoms within its boundaries, and it is not long since that, under the Marathas, it attained the distinction of running an Imperial Government. It, however, overflowed the boundaries and also allowed some portion to remain under the Nizam, which factors have led to its present division. Except for this fact and for the existence of a few small but indigenous States, the entire Maharashtra area is under British Rule. The boundaries of the Maharashtra in the Bombay Province are well defined and the country within them is compact. Similar is the case with regard to the Maharashtra included in the Central Provinces (including Berar) and both these portions are contiguous. The Indian States falling within the boundaries of the Maharashtra in the Bombay Province may form a sub-Federation under the hegemony of Kolhapur. Indeed there is already a nucleus of it in the jurisdiction of the Political Department.

The proposal, in short, is that the Maharashtra districts of the Bombay Province, Berar, and the Maharashtra districts of the present Central Provinces should form one Province. To compensate the Central Provinces for its loss of territory, all the districts of the United Provinces west of the Jumna may be given over to Mahakoshal (Hindi C. P.) It will have its capital at Jubbulpore, which will be more centrally situated for the new territories than Nagpur is for the present territories. There will remain some Maharashtra area in the old and new districts to be given over to Mahakoshal; they will have to accept their position of minorities. Even now they are not contiguous to Maharashtra territories and their position will in no way be adversely affected, unless it be said with regard to the Maharashtrians in the Hindi speaking districts of the present Central Provinces that the presence of their compatriots almost in a majority in the united Maharashtra is a safeguard to them. But, after all, nationalities in India cannot be antagonistic.

In the New Maharashtra there will be two Universities, one to be newly established at Poona and the other to be at Nagpur. As regards the capital, like the United Provinces, or as is the case at present in the Bombay Province, there will be two capitals, certain offices and functions being held at Poona and others at Nagpur; or these may be seasonal capitals, the Government going to Nagpur in the cold season. The jurisdiction of the High Court at Poona may extend over the sub-Federation proposed in a previous paragraph, which will compensate it for the loss of Bombay city. The jurisdiction of the University already extends over the Indian States. Therefore the extension of the jurisdiction of the Judicial Court over them will not be against any recognised principle, and, as a means of the better administration of law for their subjects, this measure may be acceptable both to the Rulers and their subjects. Even the law-making power of the former need not be affected, since the High Court will administer any local laws for those territories.

What is now wanted is a sustained and strong movement to be started by the leaders in the territories for Unification. The Congress High Command should be compelled to take up the matter which may materialise when the Congress has the full power of disposal in such matters, that is to say, when India attains at least Dominion Status. There is however nothing to prevent the British Parliament from taking this step at any time under the present Constitution. But nothing can be achieved without a vigorous agitation.

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