BY K. RAMAKOTISWARA RAU ^l

As the weeks pass and the plot thickens, one gets the feeling that the Indian scene is like a tangled web; the more we seek to unravel it, the greater seems the confusion. Starting with a straight question from the Working Committee of the Congress to the British Government regarding their war-and-peace aims in relation to India, the debate about the future constitutional position of this country took on bewildering shapes till, today, men apparently sane are proclaiming that every religious or communal group in India is a nation by itself, and some of these "nations" propose to send deputations to England to establish their claims at the bar of British public opinion! Before this distressing position was reached, every conceivable combination of forces was attempted, to spite the Congress and belittle its importance as India’s leading political organisation. Once it was the Muslims and the Princes; then, the Muslims, the Scheduled Castes, and the Non-Brahmin ‘Dravidians’ of the far South. At one stage, the Forward Bloc within the Congress questioned the right of the Congress Executive to negotiate a settlement with the British Government; they now threaten to organise a Congress of their own in case such a settlement is reached. To them, Mr. Subhas Bose is the De Valera of an Indian Free State while Gandhiji is a mere Cosgrave.

While struggling valiantly against external and internal forces of varying grades of importance, the Congress under Gandhiji’s leadership retains the allegiance of an overwhelming majority of politically-minded Indians. There has never been any doubt about its objective, nor about the choice of methods for winning that objective. The Congress, on behalf of the entire Indian nation, upholds the principle of self-determination, and, as its natural corollary, the right of Indians to frame their country’s future constitution without outside interference. Here the emphasis is on self-determination even more than on Independence or Dominion Status, for, if the nation is convinced that Dominion Status, in terms of the Statute of Westminster, does not militate against its true interests, the tyranny of phrases need not prevent the acceptance of that status. Again, once the right to frame a constitution is conceded, it is not necessary to plunge the country into an interminable fight. Gandhiji has repeatedly proclaimed his preference for the way of peace, provided a settlement honourable to both sides could be achieved. In spite of temporary set-backs, he will continue to strive for an understanding with the Viceroy, and, through him, with the British Government. If, at the end of it all, a fight becomes inevitable, he will not flinch. Only, he will choose the time and the manner of that fight; he will not be hustled into it. The position of the Congress is thus well-defined. It considers a Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of universal adult franchise, as the best solvent of the many problems now confronting the country. But even here, it is the idea behind a Constituent Assembly, rather than the details connected with its election and functioning, that must be considered important. If the will of the nation can be expressed in some speedier and more effective manner, the Congress will not swear by its original formula of a Constituent Assembly. Gandhiji, in a statement issued after his recent interview with the Viceroy, makes it clear that an "equivalent" of a Constituent Assembly would satisfy him. Sardar Patel believes that a meeting of all the legislators of India would serve the purpose. All possible adjustments on minor points will be made readily; the fundamental issue of freedom cannot, however, admit of a compromise.

Of the forces arrayed against the Congress, the Muslim League is certainly the most formidable. With a tenacity and vigour worthy of a better cause, Mr. Jinnah and his henchmen claim the right to block all constitutional progress. It is not the protection and the safeguarding of the rights or an important minority that is in issue; the Congress has never objected to such safeguards. The League virtually seeks to overrule the majority community at every stage; and, for this purpose, all accepted canons of democracy, cabinet responsibility, and of national solidarity must be thrown to the winds. This attitude has had its reactions, and, as a counterblast, the Hindu Mahasabha has put forward its own theory that Hindustan is essentially the land of the Hindus, and that the rest can exist only on sufferance. In the matter of the misreading of Indian history, the League and the Sabha have vied with one another.

The Sikhs and the Indian Christians have adopted an eminently reasonable attitude. They are prepared to take their share in shaping and working a constitution. In their view, even separate electorates are not sacrosanct. This is the first welcome sign of the dawn of real nationhood, the first flash of light from the encircling gloom. Religion is primarily a matter of individual conviction. While its social aspect cannot be ignored, it is outrageous to permit religious feuds to cast their blighting shadow over the political sphere. Every Indian is a citizen first and last. His claim to civic rights and to representation on public bodies accrues to him by reason of his birth or domicile in India. It is time that this view asserted itself, and a clean sweep made of the crying evil of separate electorates based on religious faith. Once joint electorates are formed, and men realise the implications of their common nationhood by acting in public affairs as political and not as communal groups, it is of trivial importance as to how many seats are reserved for one community or another. It is joint action for common ends that brings the different communities closer. And joint electorates all round will speed up this development so that, ultimately, in public life, men are divided according to their political or economic beliefs, and religion comes to occupy its proper place as the inspirer of love, and not the breeder of hatred, between man and man.

The mischief started by Lord Minto more than thirty years ago, has grown to ugly proportions. People with any genuine religious feeling must protest against this exploitation of religion for secular purposes. How can anyone claiming to love God nurse hatred against his fellowmen who happen to worship God differently? And yet, it is this hatred that is being fostered day in and day out, by political opportunists masquerading as men of religion. The simultaneous liquidation of the League, the Sabha and all similar religious-cum-political bodies will hasten the day of deliverance, and enable political parties to emerge, which will not only win democracy for India, but administer it in the right spirit.

The movement for Indian freedom is but an episode in the larger struggle for the enthronement of truth and non-violence as the prime objects of human endeavour. Gandhiji’s personal example and his gospel of Ahimsa are deemed of incalculable value in the affairs of men during this era of strife and distrust. That this is so is evidenced by the many warm tributes collected by Sir S. Radhakrishnan in the septuagenary gift-book, "Mahatma Gandhi"² Erstwhile political opponents like General Smuts and Lord Halifax, fellow-workers like Rajendra Prasad and Pattabhi Sitaramayya, the men of culture and of religion, devotees and admirers from many lands, join in honouring one to whom Truth is God, and love the only way of life. Sir S. Radhakrishnan, India’s leading savant and cultural ambassador, contributes an Introduction which is the crowning piece of this work of rare beauty. According to him "Gandhi is the prophet of a liberated life, wielding power over millions of human beings by virtue of his exceptional holiness and heroism." From the point of view of the philosophy and technique of Satyagraha, Srimati Sophia Wadia’s "The Path of Satyagraha" is specially noteworthy.

Not since the great renunciation of Prince Siddhartha has India witnessed a spectacle so moving as Gandhiji’s utter dedication to a life of righteousness. He has been like a living flame illumining the dark corners of a nation’s soul. From afar, he has led men and women of many faiths, and taught them to value the things of the spirit. Recent Indian history is full of examples of the way in which Gandhiji has transformed the lives of the tallest among Indians and made them willing instruments for the achievement of great ends.

But this hero and saint, this spiritual alchemist, is also the humblest of men. Intensely human, he has the gift of understanding which makes him loving and tolerant to those that are said to be "lost." And he is happiest in the company of children. This human side of him has not been adequately emphasised in this volume. How he puts his visitors at their ease; how he makes kindly enquiries about people whom he had met just once or twice, long years ago; how astounding is his memory for names and faces . . . . all this needs to be told. His saving sense of humour, his capacity for laughter, his manner of cracking jokes, have endeared him to everyone who has come into touch with him.

As one ponders over the miracle that is Gandhi, the thought that is uppermost is, "When comes such another?"

A young friend, whose capacity for writing letters makes me envious, has been trying to interest me and other Indian editors in a scheme for the inauguration of an Academy of Arts and Letters. The main object is to coordinate the cultural movements in different parts of India and recognise and reward those who are languishing in obscure corners. The idea originated several years ago with Dr. James H. Cousins, but had to be given up because of the inadequate response it evoked. Subsequently, ‘Triveni’ was started with similar aims, and achieved some slight success as a messenger of inter-provincial culture. Its finances, however, have never been satisfactory; the establishment of personal contacts between the leading writers all over India, through periodical meetings, has remained a vague dream. Five or six years ago, Dr. Guha Thakurta initiated a discussion, "Why not an Indian Academy?" in the pages of ‘Triveni’. I welcomed the proposal in an editorial note and invited further correspondence. A few more letters appeared, and then nothing happened. I am afraid that the present attempt to revive the scheme is not likely to prove more fruitful. The requisite atmosphere is lacking, and there are not enough people amongst us with the leisure and the funds needed for frequent all-India tours.

In the P.E.N. India Centre at Bombay, we have the nucleus of a cultural organisation. With the co-operation of litterateurs and artists in different provinces, this body can function as an Indian Academy. It is infinitely better to utilise existing organisations than to start new ones with insufficient means and inadequate personnel. At the head of the P. E. N. Centre are men and women of outstanding eminence. For any new Academy, are we likely to secure the services of more exalted individuals than Shri Rabindranath Tagore, Sir S. Radha Krishnan, Srimati Sarojini Naidu, Shri Ramananda Chatterjee and Srimati Sophia Wadia? The all-India Linguistic Committee of the P.E.N. consists of leading poets and critics in the different provinces. Srimati Wadia has already enlisted the support of the more prominent writers amongst the younger generation.

I hope I shall not be accused of lack of enthusiasm for an all-India cultural enterprise. In fact, it has been my one prime passion in life. But I am all for strengthening the Indian P.E.N.

It was a happy thought that prompted the Principal lecturers and students of the Pithapur Rajah’s college, Cocanada, to celebrate a festival of art and literature, history and politics, science and social service, and to invite distinguished individuals to deliver lectures on diverse topics. While the useful was not neglected, the dominant note was that of beauty. The atmosphere, for an entire festive week, was surcharged with poetry and music. The arrangements were on an elaborate scale, reminiscent of great national gatherings. The decorations were in perfect taste, and an exhibition of paintings by modern artists added to the charm of the function.

While every day of the week had its distinctive features, the climax was reached on February 3, when Prof. Rayaprolu Subba Rao of the Osmania University spoke about the appreciation of literature and chanted his verses and sang his songs with full-throated ease. As the originator of the new movement in Telugu poetry, and as the inspirer of some of our leading poets, Prof. Subba Rao holds a unique place in the affections of the Andhras. That evening, by a fortunate chance, Subba Rao’s own Guru, Venkatakavi, was present. There were, too, Subba Rao’s compeers, Krishna Sastri and Ramakrishna Rao, and some younger poets still at College. It was like the linking of three generations of poets, which proved that the literary life of Andhra is a continuous stream gathering new strength and finding new ways of expression.

In the background of all this upsurge of culture lay the thought which found repeated expression throughout the week, that an Andhra Province is the natural fulfillment of this renaissance, and its outward visible embodiment. Those who watched the bright faces of the students and noted their determination were filled with hope for the future, for there was that combination of great enthusiasm with great organising ability which betokens success.