BY ‘DHRUVA’

The Sudeten German problem has become the most explosive in Europe, threatening the disruption of the Czech Republic. The German leaders are openly hostile to the Czechs. On the 26th May Dr. Goebbels spoke of ‘the sharp sword’ that Germany wields; and on the 12th June Herr Hess asserted that Czechoslovakia was unable to maintain law and order within her borders, thus suggesting that, as in the case of Austria, Czechoslovakia should also be saved by Germany from a devastating civil war. German troops were concentrated on the Bohemian frontier and German aeroplanes were seen flying over Pilsen.

Inside Czechoslovakia also tension has grown rapidly over the municipal elections. The Henleinists are employing every method to poll the largest percentage of the German votes. They have issued their eight-point programme: (1) full equality of status for Czechs and Germans. (2) a guarantee for this equality by the recognition of the Sudeten Germans as a legal body incorporate, (3) determination and legal recognition of the German areas within the State. (4) full self-government for the German areas. (5) legal protection for every citizen living outside the area of his own nationality, (6) removal of injustices inflicted since 1918 and reparation for the damages thereby caused. (7) recognition of the principle: within the German area German officials, and (8) full liberty to profess German nationality and German political philosophy. The granting of these demands would inevitably mean the end of Czech independence. The Czechs have therefore promptly rejected them but have begun negotiations with representatives of Herr Henlein.

The Slovak People’s Party too led by Hlinka have seized the opportunity to press their demands for autonomy. But Dr. Hodza in a speech at Bratislava on the 6th spoke trenchantly about Hlinka whose party obtained only 29% of the seats in the Czech Parliament in the last general election of 1935. The Poles and Magyars also demand local autonomy.

The Czechs have offered all the minorities a consolidation of the minority charters and self-government in local and municipal affairs. This may satisfy the Poles, Slovaks and Magyars, but the Germans will not rest content. For the answer to their claims depends on the attitude of Berlin, which in turn depends on the policy of England and France in counteracting the Nazi menace. The growing audacity of Hitler should be checked. His intrigues in Czechoslovakia and elsewhere should be met boldly and with a firm hand. In the last analysis, the problem of the German minority in the Czech State could be resolved on the battlefields of Spain and on the banks of the Yellow River.

But in Spain the Rebels have slowly advanced from Teruel to Castellon. They have driven a wedge between Barcelona and Valencia; and having split them, they are starving them to surrender. They have become increasingly blatant and bloody. They have continuously bombed open towns causing extreme panic among defenceless civilians. They have sunk thirteen–ships-all of British or French nationality–in the course of a month. And they are mercilessly destroying the food supplies of the Government.

All this while the non-intervention commission has been looking impotently on, weakly protesting or drawing up formulae for the withdrawal of volunteers. The British Government are anxious to expedite the process of withdrawal, so that the Anglo-Italian Agreement could be brought into force thereafter. But Mussolini is evasive and throws the blame on the French, accusing them of having kept the Franco-Spanish frontier open, when in fact the Pyrenees have been hermetically sealed. So the British Government is at their wits’ end. They are driven to humour Mussolini and burke the Spanish issue. Their proposals for the withdrawal of volunteers are of no value, for the technicians who have mainly been responsible for organising the success of Franco, especially the Germans, would still remain. Nor are their measures to prevent air piracy more effective. Neutral or safety zones have been proposed, to which ships could go and trade with the Spanish Government. But what is the guarantee that the Rebels would not bomb those ships also? The British Government have in effect withdrawn their protection to vessels trading on the high seas and even make the cowardly suggestion that merchantmen should carry anti-aircraft guns. Lastly, their answer to ‘the senseless butchery’ of bombing non-combatants has been to propose the sending of an international commission to ascertain the facts. As if the facts are not already well-known! They have not proposed any of the real reprisals–raiding Palma, the Rebel air-base, an embargo on trade with Franco’s territories, the detention of Franco’s ships. They are hiding their heads, like ostriches, in the non-intervention committee and winking at Franco’s atrocities.

But the end of Spain is not yet in sight. The Republicans have excellent fighting capacity and the Rebels have not made any progress after the fall of Castellon. But the Republicans are running short of supplies; hunger is a more potent enemy than Franco. They will fight to their last man; but starvation might stab them in the back. And if they fall, the Fascists and the Nazis would become irrepressible in the Mediterranean and in Central Europe.

In China the prospect for peace and freedom appears to be more cheerful. The Japanese Army have not been having it all their own way; their time-table has been calamitously upset. The vastness of the field of operations and the multiplicity of military objectives have dispersed and sapped Japanese strength. Their authority in the northern provinces does not seem to extend beyond the range of gunfire or the outskirts of railway stations. The Chinese have taken to guerilla tactics and are harassing the Japanese rear, front and communications.

Meanwhile in Japan itself the war has had striking effects. Disturbances are breaking out. The cotton imports are being restricted. The financial circles are getting nervous. A new cabinet has been formed and a new orientation is being given to Japanese foreign policy. General Ugaki, the new premier, has financial connections with the Mitsubishi firm and General Araki, once the Mussolini of Spain and now the minister of education, has also similar connections. Both of them believe in limiting the Japanese objective to North China and threatening Outer Mongolia and Soviet Siberia. They are anti-Soviet and look to a development of the anti-Commintern Pact with Germany into an effective alliance. Germany wants a strong Japan to cover the Russian rear and not a weak Japan pressing upon British interests in the Southern Pacific. Germany thus retained her officers in China and supplied her with arms in order to check the Japanese advance southwards. The Navy and Mr. Hirota, the ex-foreign minister, were anti-British and dreamed of a frontal assault on British rights. But German pressure has evidently succeeded in Tokyo in dismissing the Konoye Cabinet. There are signs of new developments in Japanese foreign policy. South China might continue to be raided. but that would be for purposes of prestige. The attack is more likely to be concentrated on Hankow and Central China. The Japanese wish to consolidate their conquests and effectively occupy North China and Inner Mongolia. They could then threaten the Soviets and thus give Hilter a free hand on the Danube.

China, however, will not give way in the near future. She has made secret agreements with Russia; her armies are excellently disciplined; and although she is poor in mechanised units, she has vast fighting resources. Further, the Yellow River has come to her aid. The floods have caused untold misery in 9, 000 Chinese villages but have stayed the Japanese in their course.

But there is the danger of the new Japanese-German understanding undermining China’s position. The German offices in China have been recalled and German supplies also may soon disappear. And there is the possibility of both Germany and Great Britain combining and pressing the Chinese to come to terms, on a basis of the status quo, with the enemy. In that event China would perhaps go frankly Communist and make an alliance with Russia.

But Spain and China are not the only Victims of Fascist intrigue. The anti-Commintern Powers, and especially Germany pursue a weltpolitik and have a finger in every pie. Mexico is now in danger of becoming another Spain. A rebellion broke out in May led by a General Sasurnino Cedillo and actively supported by German officers. He is a violent reactionary intent upon destroying the agrarian and other reforms of the revolution of 1910-17 and of President Cardenas and putting the hands of the clock back in Mexico. And in plotting this counter-revolution the Fascist powers have been his eager accomplices. Italy has long subsidised the anti-democratic elements in Mexico-the Church and the landlords; Japan has bargained for fishing rights off Lower California, that is, for air and submarine bases; and Germany has organised a German military staff round Cedillo. They are all interested in extracting Mexican oil and silver and other minerals and in seizing the chief strategic point in the New World.

The revolution has not spread; and it is not certain whether it will be anything more than a flash in the pan if gun-running on the Texas border is stopped and the democratic powers are sternly determined not to give the Fascists a free hand. But at this very moment Britain has quarreled with Mexico and broken off diplomatic relations. Her action was frankly capitalist and unworthy of a great Power. She took drastic steps and protested violently on the ground that the Mexican Eagle Oil companies (British owned) had been expropriated. The Mexican Government in the course of administering its radical legislation in agriculture found that intensive cultivation was expensive and that money could be got only by exploiting Mexico’s natural resources, in fact, by putting pressure on the oil companies (British and American) to increase their pay roll. The British companies refused, and the workers, backed by the Government, went last December to the National Labour Board. But the companies rejected its award and forced the men to go to the Supreme Court, which confirmed the decision of the Board. And the Government which had so long waited patiently took the perfectly legal step of expropriating the companies. The British Government protested and irrelevantly pointed out that Mexico was a bad debtor and a defaulter. The Mexican Government at once paid off every penny which it owed the British and recalled its diplomatic representatives. And the British minister left Mexico City simultaneously. On the other hand, the Washington Administration has not taken any hasty steps. And it is to be hoped that they will not. For the hostility of the democracies would give the Fascists an excellent opportunity, and Mexico might go up in flames.

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