The Socia-Political Origin of the Karma
Doctrine
in Upanishads
Prof.
RAMAKRISHNA RAO VETURY
Karma
as a doctrine is progressively developed in the Upanishads by the ruling caste,
Kshatriyas, as a political weapon. Unambiguous evidence is collected from the
Upanishads and the evolution of the doctrine is discussed. The study is
confined only to the Upanishads.
Rarely
do we come across a systematic record of the evolution of the basic doctrines
in any scriptures. One has to go about reconstructing the stories for this
purpose. However we come across one such rare instance in the Upanishads. It
deals with the development of the doctrine of Karma, which is one of the
cornerstones of Hinduism The original texts clearly
record the progressive development of the doctrine of Karma unambiguously and
also state by whom and (most important) for what purpose it has been developed.
It is proposed in this paper to collect all the available material from the
original texts of the Upanishads and present a connected
picture of the development of the doctrine. The sources are mainly: (1)
Brihadaaranyaka (Brih.), (2) Chaandogya (Chaand.), (3) Katha and (4) Kaushitaki
(Kaush.) (Translation of R. E. Hume). Scholars agree
that the first two are the earliest Upanishads (600–800 B. C.) and the other
two of a later period.
In
the Vedic period, ‘Karma’ is a mere word, a collective noun, standing for all
rituals. The Vedic religiosity essentially consists of rituals, or sacrifices.
These rituals are with a desired result (Phala) in view. It may be for a son,
an empire, or even the misfortune of an enemy. All these are result-oriented
and the fruits are expected during the lifetime of the performer. There is only
one sacrifice which gives the performer a place in the land of gods after death
and the matter closes with that. The idea of metempsychosis is unknown to
Rigveda. With a vague reference to this notion in Atharvaveda, the idea of
transmigration of souls (The Greeks also had something like this) makes a
definite debut in Satapata Braahmana, a post-Vedic but pre-Upanishadic
literature. The genius of the Upanishads consists in combining the word Karma
and the idea of metempsychosis and evolving into a powerful doctrine of Karma
which has caught the imagination of the Hindus during the last 2500 years and
continues to do so. The Upanishadic account will now be taken up.
Karma and Reputation
(Stage I)
I.
We find three references to Karma in the
Brih.
a)
The first is in 3.2.12 and 13.
Yaajnavalkya was debating with the Brahmin scholars of the philosopher-king
Janaka’s court. He was replying to a question by Arthabhaaga
that after everything disappears into the elements after the death of a man,
only his name (or reputation) remains over on the earth. While
he debated everything in public, for an elucidation of this point, Yaajnavalkya
is said to have discussed with Arthabhaaga in privacy. These are his actual
words: “Arthabhaaga, take my hand. We two only will know of this. This is not
for us two (to speak of) in public.” Why this secrecy? (We shall take this up
later.) The author of this story writes that the two discussed and praised
Karma and comments, “one becomes good by good action
and bad by bad action.” Therefore, the reputation (post-mortem) is governed by
Karma. This is three steps beyond the Vedic concept (1) From rituals it is
extended to all actions and behaviour of man in his lifetime, and (2) its
influence is extended from the lifetime of man to beyond his death, by the way
he is remembered by his survivors, on earth, and (3) the third point is the
introduction of ethical distinction; good and bad actions leading to good and
bad reputation.
Karma and Soul (Stage
II)
The
next reference is 4. 4. 5. in Brih. Here Karma (all
actions) are connected with the transmigration of the
soul for the first time. At this stage they faced a logical difficulty of
connecting the actions of a corporeal body with the not-co-corporeal and
eternal soul. So they argued: the bodily action is the result of the mental
resolve to act. The resolve to act arises out of desire to achieve a result
(just as a desire for something has been the incentive for the Vedic rituals).
So we have,
Desire
Resolve Karma
(of the soul) (mental) (bodily)
This is quite rational.
We know now that the bodily organs follow the commands of the brain conveyed by
the nervous system. It has already been established in the Upanishads that the
soul is Brahma, made of knowledge, of mind – of desire and non-desire of anger,
etc. (4. 4. 5) So the connection between Karma and
soul is logical in the ultimate analysis.
It
is important to note that, the stage is now set for bringing together the two
ideas: (1) Karma (all actions) and (2) the transmigration of souls. Like a
caterpillar gathering itself for the next step, the soul is also ready for the
next stage of development, discarding its earlier body, and dispelling its
ignorance (Brih. 4.4.3). Next they compare the soul with a golden jewel being
shaped into a more beautiful ornament. In both comparisons the note is one of
optimism with improved forms of rebirth. No downward movement in the scale is
indicated. This is the Brahminical understanding of Karma and rebirth. It is at
the stage that the Kshatriyas took over and shaped out a powerful doctrine with
these basic ingredients.
Karma and
Metempsychosis (Stage III)
The
next stage is described in Brih. 6. 2. 1 to 15.
Svetaketu Aruneya, a fresh graduate in Vedic studies is asked in a Royal
assembly by a Kshatriya king the following questions:
The
young man does not know the answers in spite of 12 years of Vedic study under
his father. He goes home and blames his father, Gautama, for not teaching him
properly. Gautama pleads ignorance* and goes to the king seeking this knowledge.
The King Pravaahana Jaivali is a Kshatriya and Gautama is a Brahmin. The king
is reluctant to teach Gautama, and remarks, “As truly as this knowledge has
never heretofore dwelt with any Brahmin whatsoever so truly may not you and
your grandfathers injure us.” (6. 2. 8) Then he proceeds to instruct
Gautama, as a special favour. (Italics mine)
In
his account, a very detailed picture of the path followed by the soul of the
dead man until its return to the earth is given, which is not significant. But
his classification of men and their goals is significant. Men are divided into
three groups: 1) Brahma-seekers: Their Karma is the true worship of Brahma in a
forest. After death, their souls straightaway pass to the Brahma world from
which there is no return. They escape the cycles of repeated birth and death.
2) The ritualists and virtuous men have for their Karma, sacrifices charity,
austerity, etc., and they conquer the worlds. They, after death, go to the land
of fathers on a tenure basis and via the moon and the vegetable kingdom (food)
return to the earth to enter the cycle of birth and death again. Here the
details of Karma as given are mostly characteristic of the Kshatriya class, 3) The third group consists of those who are ignorant of the
above two (leading a mundane life). This general mass of people, return to
earth abruptly after death, as insects, “flying and crawling and biting.” There
is no overcrowding in the yonder world because of this return to the earth. The
importance of this account is that it clearly states that the concept of the
cycles of birth and death connected to Karma is entirely of a Kshatriya or
ruling class origin. It also states clearly that the doctrine is kept as a
secret from Brahmins so that they “may not injure us (Kshatriyas).”
The Doctrine (Stage
IV)
The
final stage of the doctrine is given in Chaand. (5-10-1 to 8) The same story
with the same characters is repeated here with greater clarity.
In the doctrine an important clarification is introduced. We have seen that in Brih. (stage III above) in the reasons for rebirth no ethical distinctions are considered. But Chaand, introduces these ethical considerations and neatly connects them with gradations in rebirth. Good Karma leads to a rebirth in higher forms of life or human beings with better privileges. Bad Karma leads to rebirth in inferior forms. “Accordingly, those who are of pleasant conduct here–the prospect is, indeed, that they will enter a pleasant womb, either the womb of a Brahmin or the womb of a Kshatriya or the womb of a Viasya. But those who are of a stinking conduct here the prospect is, indeed, that they will enter a stinking womb either the womb of a dog, or the womb of a swine, or the womb of an outcaste.” (Chaand. 5. 10. 7) Examine the sentences carefully. The mailed fist in a velvet glove is obvious. A Kshatriya, being a ruler, is concerned with law and order. He has no use for any doctrine that does not contain a punishment clause for criminals. The punishment for bad behaviour is clearly brought out in frightening terms. The caste distinctions and privileges are neatly introduced as the necessary consequences and rewards of good behaviour. The existing social order is given a very convincing metaphysic explanation.
The
reluctance of the king to teach the doctrine to Gautama is also more explicitly
brought out. “This knowledge has never yet come to Brahmins before you and,
therefore, in all the worlds has the rule belonged
to Kshatriyas only.” Chaand. (5. 3. 2) This is a very candid record of the direct connection
between political power and the doctrine.
The
above account given in its four stages of development clearly points out the
socio-political origins of the doctrine of Karma. Here we have to explain two
stages of secrecy mentioned.
The
following conjectures are plausible:
1.
The Kshatriyas are aware of the ideas of Karma and metempsychosis
up to stage II given earlier. They might have seen here an opportunity of
developing an idea which will capture the imagination of the public and which
will perpetuate the Kshatriya rule over the people. The development of the
doctrine takes some time. Meanwhile they did not like the Brahmins to know the
stages of development. The Brahmin with his spiritual control over the
minds of the people and his preeminent position as a teacher,
can do a lot of damage, starting controversies and confusing the issues if he
does not like the doctrine. And so the Kshatriyas patiently waited till a final
shape is given and they are confident of the acceptability. Once they are
convinced they released it through Gautama.
2.
This explains also why Yaajnavalkya discussed in private with Arthabhaaga. The
debate was in the presence of King Janaka. The occasion was a competition for
the position of the best scholar. Yaajnavalkya was not only a brilliant scholar
and discourser but also very tactful in debates as can be seen from the whole
of the third Adhyaya in Brih. Quite possibly he was aware through rurnours that
something is happening and it is not advisable to discuss the matter in the
presence of the Kshatriya king. He might even have warned Arthabhaaga that (1)
the matter is a state secret and should not be openly discussed or (2)
he might have advised him not to reveal the ignorance of both of them to King
Janaka regarding the latest trends because Arthabhaaga i~ equally ignorant.
3.
The third question, “why did they reveal the secret” to Gautama, is very easy.
A doctrine intended to brainwash the people is useless if it is not widely
known. It is only during its development that it is kept secret. Once it is
ready it has to be propagated. Who is to propagate it? Of course, only a
professional teacher and priest, the Brahmin! The king’s reluctance to teach
Gautama is only a show to make things mysterious. The leak is a calculated
move. Let us remember that actually the king took the initiative in putting
leading questions to a fresh graduate and thus indirectly invited his father
and with some mystification taught him the doctrine.
Once
a professional teacher and priest knew this, the propagation of the doctrine is
just a matter of time.
Further development
After
this, there is one more development. The Katha. (5. 7)
states that the reincarnation of the soul is governed by “Karma and
knowledge.” Here knowledge is added to Karma. Who added this and why? The Kaush, gives a clue to the source of this addition.
In the Kaush. (1.1. and 2) the story is slightly altered. Here the same son and
father are involved; the teacher’s name however is Citra Gaangyaayani, whose
caste is not stated. The likelihood is that he is a Brahmin. This can be
inferred from the way Gautama approached him for instruction; strictly
according to the accepted protocol. Further Citra did not hesitate like the
king in the earlier versions. He was only pleased with the humility of Gautama
and taught him. It is therefore quite likely Citra is a Brahmin. In his
teaching, he includes Knowledge and Karma as the deciding factors of rebirth.
It
is therefore reasonable to conclude that by this time the Brahmins not only
accepted and propagated the doctrine but made some addition to the Kshatriya
doctrine. What is the advantage of this addition?
Knowledge,
if it is taken here in the same sense as it occurs everywhere in the
Upanishads, cannot influence rebirth. Knowledge, as Brahmavidya, is actually a
means of release from Samsara. In this context, therefore, knowledge means only
Aparavidya, i. e., other than Brahmavidya. Taken in that sense, this can work
out to the advantage of the Brahmin. A Vedic scholar, for example even if he
committed bad Karma, might get away with a lighter penalty. Actually, the
Brahmin did enjoy many privileges in the society.
This
completes the account of the development of the doctrine as given in the
principal Upanishads. That the doctrine has been further developed in, for
instance, Buddhist hands, etc., is not quite relevant for our purpose. The main
purpose of the article is to bring out the Upanishadic account of the
socia-political origins of the doctrine. This is clearly demonstrated with
original quotations from the Upanishads.
* This, incidentally,
shows that the doctrine to follow is not found in the Vedas.