Search for National Identity

in Early Modern Indian Poetry

 

“ARUDRA”

 

            Ancient India was a land of many nations. Any Indian classical dictionary will give the fifty-six names of countries of Bharatakhanda. Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Karnata, etc., were inde­pendent entities even in the imperial days of Maurya and Gupta ages. Several consequent Muslim conquests did not unite the nations of India in a real sense. Local customs and manners prevailed and flourished from time immemorial, despite the triumphs and thrivings of many a lord and overlord. Conversions to the religion of the rulers either voluntarily or by force did not hinder the converts to incorporate their old traditions and values in their, acquired faith. There were Muslim Commanders in Hindu kingdoms and Hindu Sardars in Muslim armies. Only a few courtiers but not the common people were touched with any cultural changes. Hence there was no search for National Identity during the medieval ages or even in the first two decades of the nineteenth century.

 

            The avaricious agents, the scheming senior merchants, the fighting factors of the East India Company secured Firmans, acquir­ed rights to collect taxes, conquered territories and interfered in the infights of the Indian princes to sow the seeds of an empire. The later Governors-General expanded the gains. The victory at the Battle of Plassey (1857) gave practical sovereignty over Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the Company. By 1800 the old Madras Presidency was carved. The submission of the brave Rajputs and mighty Marathas was accomplished by 1813-1824. Assam passed under the Company’s rule in 1829. Sind in 1843, the Punjab in 1849 and the Lower Burma in 1852. The Empire stretched from Pegu to Peshawar. Relinquishing its trading rights and monopolies, the East India Company acted as the administrative agency of the British Crown. Thus a superficial unity of India was achieved by the foreign hand.

 

            To govern a land of such magnitude with different religions and diverse customs of castes, creeds and cultures, the East India Company required its Civil Servants to learn the local languages and through the knowledge of the vernaculars under­stand the land and the people. Ever since the inception of the East India Company, its Agents were transacting their business through the Indian interpreters and translators. The various Brahmins, Vakeels, Hejeebs, Pundits, Munshis and Banias of the Company were assisting the inquisitive white scholars to study the sacred books of the East and discover the ancient glories of India.

 

            The several Indian savants employed as subordinate servants of the Company were rediscovering the spiritual unity of India in its physical diversity. A brilliant young Indian employed in the Company’s service in 1804 rose to the rank of Sheristadar to the District Collector of Rangapur (now in Bangladesh), worked in that post for five years (1809-1814) and retired from the Company’s service to serve his nation as pre-eminent spiritual leader, pioneering social reformer and progressive political figure. He was Ram Mohun Roy, the father of Indian Renaissance, who was made a Raja by the titular Moghul Emperor, Akbar II, to represent the decaying feudal interests to the British Crown and Parliament, but Ram Mohun represented the emerging new Indian nation to the Western world.

 

            With the preachings of Ram Mohun Roy the search for the National Identity was initiated. By the word nationality we mean a historically constituted stable community of people, formed on the basis of common language, territory, economic life and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture. These requirements were not fully provided by Roy’s Brahmo Samaj. The Arya Samaj of Swami Dayananda (1824-’83) was also partly contributory to the cause of National identity. The missionary zeal of Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) instilled a new self-respect in the people and prepared the way for their self-assertion. But religious reform is no substitute for the National Identity. If one section of the people make their religion as the basis for the nationality, another section of people will certainly assert for supremacy of their faith. Thus Mohammad Iqbal (1876-1938) strived to reconstruct the religious thought through Islamic values. Even the Theosophical Society of Madame Blavatsky and Col. Olcott, which revived faith in ancient Hinduism, could become a force to reckon with only when its great protagonist Annie Besant identified and threw herself into the Indian National Movement, led by the Indian National Congress.

 

            The Indian National Congress was founded in 1885 and Allan Octavian Hume (1829-1912), a retired English Civilian, was designated as its father and founder but as C. Y. Chintamani observed the idea of a national assemblage for definitely political ends was conceived by a number of persons which materialised in 1885. The number of delegates, then called representatives, to the first session was only seventy-one and at the fifth session at Bombay it was felt necessary to restrict the number to 1,000 to be elected by different political public associa­tions all over the country, but the membership increased each year.

 

            When the Indian National Congress was carrying its “con­stitutional agitations” by submitting humble petitions for the development of self-government in India by the expansion of the Central and Provincial Legislatures with the admission into these bodies of a larger number of popularly elected Indian represent­atives with enlarged powers over the financial and general administration of the country and the British rulers said that “India was conquered by the sword and by the sword it shall be held.” When the Moderates were meek, the Extremists were eager to preach the doctrines of self-help and the necessity of rousing the masses was felt. Bal Gangadhar THak (1856-1920) thundered in 1895 and questioned, “Whose is the Congress? Of the people, of the classes or of the masses?”

 

            To arouse the masses, poetry is the best implement and appropriate meaningful words of a poem can become the slogan of the nation. “Vande Mataram” the immortal song of Bankim Chandra Chatterji (1838-1893) had become the anthem of the National Congress. The concept of Mother India had taken root. The several slogans of the Indian National Congress like Vande Mataram, Swadeshi, Swaraj, Purna-Swaraj and Quit India show the various stages of development in the nation’s think­ing. These slogans inspired the poets all over India and a rich harvest of national songs was the result. I can only speak of the South Indian poets in general and Andhra poets in particular and briefly refer to their contributions towards the search for a National Identity.

 

            Chilakamarti Lakshmi Narasimham (1867-1946) was the very first prominent Telugu poet to plunge into the political mainstream. He was a regular visitor to all the sessions of Indian National Congress and a participant of the various District Conferences, since 1894. In the first conference of Godavari District, Chilakamarti composed and recited 14 verses and got a standing ovation. Like all the Moderates, Chilakamarti was also loyal to the Crown and in the prefatory verse he praised the White Rulers for unification of India but in the rest of the verses he painted the burdens of bondage, miseries of the middle classes and the plight of the peasants and workers. He sang about the tyranny of taxes, troublesome bribes and need for action to achieve relief from servitude.

 

            Chilakamarti’s verses travelled the entire length and breadth of Telugu districts by word of mouth and many Harikatha ex­ponents were singing these political verses in their devotional discourses to reach the people in those days of meagre mass communication media. Gurazada Venkata Appa Rao (1862-1915), the father of modern Telugu literature, who was writing in English in those days, was requested to translate Chilakamarti’s verses into English.

 

            When Bipin Chandra Pal (1858-1933), the fiery orator and inspired prophet of vigorous nationalism, toured the Telugu districts with his soul-stirring speeches, Chilakamarti translated five of his speeches and sang an impromptu verse, which became immortal:

 

            India is a beautiful milch cow

            Indians are its lamenting calves

            whose mouths are tied very tight,

            milking away are the crafty cowherds white.

 

            This single verse spread like wild fire and was written on the walls of Andhradesha. When Lala Lajpat Rai was deported to Burma in 1907, Chilakamarti came out with another inspiring poem:

 

            To a man who serves his country with sincerity

            Prisons are moon-stone bowers

            fetters on wrists are garland of flowers

            wretched gruel is a soup of milk

            and coarse blankets are silk shawls.

            Our land of Bharat is a vast gaol

            all the natives are virtual prisoners

            If arrested and put in the jail O! brother,

            He is changed from one room to the other!

 

            Gurazada Venkata Appa Rao, who did not aspire to join the ranks of Telugu authors, was mainly writing in English except for his play Kanyasulkam (1892) in Telugu, which he wrote to champion the causes of social reform and spoken Telugu. Gurazada was a keen observer of the national scene and was disgusted with the Moderates. He attended the Madras session of the Congress in 1908 and wrote an English article in a scathing satirical strain and published it in The Hindu. There was a parody in that indignant piece of prose:

 

            Tell me not in scornful numbers

            Congress is an ‘empty’ show

            For though many a delegate slumbers

            Seats are ‘full’ in every row.

            Congress is earnest! Congress is real

            Self-Government is its goal;

            Acton said, a high ideal

            Is always good for the human soul

            In the Congress field of battle,

            In constitutional strife,

            Indulge internal rattle,

            Never lift a chair for tife.

 

            Lives of all Moderates remind us

            We should wisely keep from crime;

            Open sedition only finds us

            Shelter in far-off clime.

 

            Let us then line up and speaking,

            Speaking at a furious rate;

            Not always some benefit seeking,

            Learn to be loyal and to wait.

 

            Gurazada in 1910, at long last, had taken to writing in Telugu and in a brief but beneficial period of a mere five years, had enriched every branch of creative writing, be it a poem, play, short play, short story or essay, with his deep understanding of the medium and the contemporary problems. In his ever-green poem Desa Bhakti Gurazada started the search for National Identity and fully visualized its shape and scope. Since he was well acquainted with the Western political philosophy, he was able to voice the aims and objects of the nation. If it was Rous­seau who had first identified the “nation” as the “people” not the sovereign, it was Gurazada who defined that a country means its people but not the mere soil and national wealth is produced from people’s toil. Since Gurazada’s Desa Bhakti was not chauvinistic in its tone, it took some decades to be identified as the modern manifesto of nationalism. Because the Communists in the ‘Forties had popularised it, this great poem was suspect in the eyes of the establishment.

 

            Rayaprolu Subba Rao (1892 - 1984) the leading “modern” Telugu poet, like Kerala’s Kumaran Asan (1873-l924) was in­fluenced by Rabindranath Tagore and was the harbinger of Romanticism in Telugu literature. The subjects taken up by both Rayaprolu and Asan were similar and the approach was same. Both the poets, besides their Romantic poems, had written lyrics of social concern. Rayaprolu’s popular Janmabhoomi was popular instantly, because of its national chauvinism, which was befitting the mood of the people in the struggle for freedom.

 

            Like Karnataka’s B. M. Srikantiah, many Telugu poets, along with Rayaprolu, were translating poems from the English language and several patriotic verses were also seen among them.

 

            If Kerala’s Mahakavi Vallathol (1878-1957) was obsessed with the sad thought that Kerala was torn into three pieces –­ Travancore, Cochin and Malabar – he was equally sad that India was under foreign yoke. He sang about his native-land and motherland in the same breath:

 

            Let our hearts thrill with pride

            On hearing the name of “Bharat

            Let our blood boil in our veins

            On hearing the name “Kerala”.

 

            Rayaprolu resembles Vallathol in this respect. He is the proud son of two mothers, Bharata-Mata and Telugu-Talli. It was the Andhras that first started the agitation for linguistic provinces and Rayaprolu, as the Poet Laureate of Telugu nation­alism, sang the glories of bygone ages:

 

            It was the Telugu language

            That transformed the Tamilians into musicians

            The swords made by us

            Could not be endured by our enemy hordes,

            Telugu culture was able to get people

            Take an abiding interest in her graces

            With her dark tresses the Telugu-land

            Made the earth a land of milk and honey.

            The great, glorious history of the Andhras

            Is not dead, is not dead,

            If you have any sympathy

            Tear our hearts, and see the vital spring.

 

            This proud proclamation of Rayaprolu was recited by many persons on various occasions and the Telugus loudly applaud every time. Almost all the major and minor poets of that period, in their hundreds, followed Rayaprolu to praise the Andhra sub-nationalism.

 

            Viswanadha Satyanarayana (1895-1976), who received the Jnana Peeth Award in 1971, sang about the Andhra Prasasti and Andhra Paurusham in the early days of the Andhra movement and equalled Rayaprolu in his regional rhapsodies. Viswanadha reminded his readers of the old days when the Andhras claimed the entire India as their empire. It was true that the Telugu ­speaking people were enraged at being called as Madrazees by the unlettered people of the North. Even the well-lettered people ignored Andhras. since the great Gurudev Tagore mentioned only Punjab, Sind, Gujarat, Maratha, Dravid, Utkala, Vanga in his Jana Gana Mana (which is now the National Anthem of the Republican India) probably because of metrical exigencies the poet omitted Andhra. This was and is still a source of unforget­table pain to the Andhras. Sri Sri (1910-1983) the leader of the Progressive School of Poets openly declared that Tagore was his allergy. Of course, this was at a much later date, but in the thick of the national struggle, the Andhras did not forget the greater priorities.

 

            The wise counsel of Gurazada, who asked the people to look forward, prevailed. He said:

 

            The good in the past is very much meagre

            If you lag behind you’d be a back-number.

 

            Gurazada, like Punjab’s Prof. Puran Singh (1881-1931) had the foresight to liberate the language from the shackles of pedantry before the country could be freed from the foreign fetters. He adopted the simple, middle class dialect and the easy Desi metres in his poetry to herald the New National Identity. Just as the Congress was dominated by the people of the classes at one time, the poets of the classes who could not discard their traditional classical metres, verbose word compounds and crafty coinage of phrases dominated the early National Poetry but with the advent of poets of the masses the complexion of the Muse changed. As Viswanadha pointed out, the poets of classes were sitting pretty on the shore and did not venture to go near the water to wet their feet. It was the poets of the masses, who jumped into the flood waters of the National Movement.

 

            Basavaraju Appa Rao (1894-1933) was a true follower of Gurazada and did not attempt versification but sang the lyrics of liberation. But for the personal calamities and his premature death he clearly could have equalled Tamil Nadu’s Subramania Bharati (1882-1921) in stature and sensitiveness. But the gap was filled by Garimella Satyanarayana (1893-1952) the brave bard of the masses.

 

            Gerimella, after his graduation, was training for his L. T. degree in 1920. He heard the call of the country and give up his studies to plunge into the freedom fight. In folk metres and rustic idiom be wrote many songs. His famous song became the war cry in various stages of the movement:

 

            We don’t want this white Bossism, Oh! Lord!

            We don’t need this white Bossism.

 

            Garimella was imprisoned for writing this song of sedition but he could not be gagged. He wrote many more songs on national issues and sang them in many villages. There were scores of other contemporaries of Garimella whose contributions were recently compiled into an anthology.

 

            The early modern poets visualised the national integration and Bharati’s immortal song “In the glittering moonlit waters of River Sindhu.........” is the best example of that vision.

 

            After achieving Independence and becoming a Republic, only a chapter came to the end. It may not be impertinent to ask the question whether the search for National Identity is over. Are we not facing new problems relating to the question of nationalities? Do we have a common language? Does our national ethos reflect the real state of our social life? Do the politicians, who thrive on regional rifts, chauvinistic clamours, caste and class differences, allow the nation to be united? Do our people still owe their allegiance to their families (Kula), caste (Jati), guilds (Sreni), corporations (Gana) and particular regions (Janapada)? Will the “modern” poets of the future continue the search for National Identity? This is really a very, very big question.

 

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